The fatal failure of SA's political opposition
While the creation of our first national coalition government was supposed to be a major change in government, it has also led to major changes in the opposition benches. Despite the fact that the coalition has failed to improve the lives of most South Africans, parties that oppose it have failed to make much headway.
South Africa's 2024 elections led to the biggest changes in the opposition benches.
The Democratic Alliance (DA), which had become very effective in opposition, was suddenly in government (and taking many of its oppositional habits into the Union Buildings).
advertisement
Don't want to see this? Remove ads
A party (MK) which had never been represented in Parliament before was suddenly the Official Opposition. And was led by someone who himself had never been an MP.
The previous time John Hlophe had been mentioned in the National Assembly was the day he became the first judge to be impeached in the democratic era.
The Economic Freedom Fighters (EFF), used to being able to make noise as the third-biggest party, found itself in a reduced role, even though its greater parliamentary experience has made it more effective than the uMkhonto Wesizwe (MK) party.
And there are several smaller parties who have both tried to be oppositional to the coalition, and flirted with joining it.
It is perhaps the greatest indictment of our opposition parties that despite the fact the coalition has delivered GDP growth of just 0.1%, they cannot craft an effective message.
A major part of this has been the divided nature of the MK party.
Considering President Jacob Zuma's history of a lust for personal power and for wrecking institutions, this was always going to be the case.
The revolving door of people in the position of secretary-general has surely created massive instability.
It was also entirely predictable that the trio of Zuma, Hlophe and Floyd Shivambu was going to be about as stable as the Trump-Musk relationship.
advertisement
Don't want to see this? Remove ads
Zuma also had very few people to choose from.
The fact he had to appoint someone like Mzwanele Manyi to the position of Chief Whip and then demote him is proof of that.
Probably only one other individual has said more and contributed less to our politics than he.
Meanwhile, Hlophe has appeared to battle with the transition from being a judge, where your instructions are simply obeyed, to leading a parliamentary caucus, where people must be persuaded.
He has also not been able to deliver a single speech in Parliament that has captured the public imagination.
For the Leader of the Opposition, a constitutionally mandated position, this is a massive failure. Parliamentary speeches are a massive platform for the opposition and the leader of that party should be able to use it effectively.
However, as has been said many times, MK's real problem is that there is no internal democracy and thus no durable legitimate structures.
It is unlikely that this will change and thus unlikely that it will become a more effective opposition.
The EFF has shown itself to be more effective than MK, partly because its members have more parliamentary experience and partly because its leader, Julius Malema, is prepared to be in Parliament and thus use its platform (unlike Zuma).
advertisement
Don't want to see this? Remove ads
That said, it still appears as if the EFF has not yet got over the shock of being relegated to the position of fourth-largest political party.
Certainly, Malema appears to be unable to grab the political agenda in a way he did, say, five years ago.
advertisement
Don't want to see this? Remove ads
Even though videos featuring him were shown during President Cyril Ramaphosa's Oval Office meeting with President Donald Trump, he was unable to really insert himself into that story.
It may be that Malema's previous focus, on attacking first Zuma and then Ramaphosa so personally, has turned into a strategic weakness.
Ramaphosa is not as powerful as he was and, while he may symbolise the coalition government, Malema has been unable to turn him into a hate figure.
Crucially, Malema announced at the start of this Parliament that he would no longer disrupt proceedings as he had in the past.
So far, he has not been able to come up with a new tactic, or a new line of attack that has really given him traction.
One of the more intriguing dynamics of this period has been the role of some of the smaller parties that are not formally in the government coalition.
ActionSA has found itself in a position where it can at times support the coalition or the ANC, and then oppose it.
In the hours after ActionSA took the decision to vote with the ANC to support the fiscal framework of Budget 2.0, the party's Athol Trollip was incredibly honest when asked if ActionSA would now join the coalition.
advertisement
Don't want to see this? Remove ads
He summed up the situation for the party when he said: 'If the DA leaves the GNU [Government of National Unity], whether they get kicked out or they decide to leave, the opposition space is going to get crowded and we will have to take a strategic decision. Will we still make an impact in opposition, or must we look at perhaps going into government? But that depends on the GNU, whether they want us there or not. We will wait and see, but we will make a strategic decision where we can make the greatest impact.'
advertisement
Don't want to see this? Remove ads
This revealed the options the party was dealing with in essence.
But it also meant that when the ANC and the DA found each for Budget 3.0, ActionSA had to be content in the opposition benches, despite the fact voters would have known it considered joining the ANC.
Build One South Africa, meanwhile, has appeared to struggle to gain traction with a consistent message. Its leader, Mmusi Maimane, has made regular media appearances and often provided principled opposition to government proposals. But it is hard to know if they have been able to really change government policy or win more votes.
So far, it seems the coalition government has completely failed to make a difference to the lives of most people.
Parties in opposition have failed too; they have not yet provided a credible alternative for voters. DM
advertisement
Don't want to see this? Remove ads
Try Our AI Features
Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:
Comments
No comments yet...
Related Articles
IOL News
35 minutes ago
- IOL News
US joins Iran-Israel conflict: Essential travel advisories for South Africans to note
Travellers queue at Cape Town International Airport. Image: David Ritchie/Independent Newspapers (File) The escalating conflict between Iran and Israel, which now includes the United States (US), which carried out attacks on three nuclear sites in Iran on Sunday, has resulted in a number of travel advisories and alerts that SA travellers should note. On Sunday, the US joined Israel's bombing campaign after days of speculation over whether they would be involvedin the conflict. In a televised address from the White House, after the strikes, US President Donald Trump said: "Iran's key nuclear enrichment facilities have been completely and totally obliterated. Iran, the bully of the Middle East, must now make peace." Previously, on 15 June, the Department of International Relations (Dirco) urged all South Africans in Iran to contact the Embassy in Tehran to ensure that they are registered with and that their whereabouts are known to the Embassy. 'It is important to note that South Africa's support in the country is limited and that it could be assumed that no face-to-face consular assistance will be possible in an emergency, and the South African Government may not be able to help you if you get into difficulty, depending on your location. 'Therefore, citizens are further encouraged to assess their own safety and security and act accordingly.' Following Israeli strikes on Iran in the early hours of 13 June, airspace in Iran, Iraq, Jordan, Syria, and Israel has been closed. According to Flightradar24, the closures affect approximately 3,000 flights per day through cancelled flights or re-routes. Video Player is loading. Play Video Play Unmute Current Time 0:00 / Duration -:- Loaded : 0% Stream Type LIVE Seek to live, currently behind live LIVE Remaining Time - 0:00 This is a modal window. Beginning of dialog window. Escape will cancel and close the window. Text Color White Black Red Green Blue Yellow Magenta Cyan Transparency Opaque Semi-Transparent Background Color Black White Red Green Blue Yellow Magenta Cyan Transparency Opaque Semi-Transparent Transparent Window Color Black White Red Green Blue Yellow Magenta Cyan Transparency Transparent Semi-Transparent Opaque Font Size 50% 75% 100% 125% 150% 175% 200% 300% 400% Text Edge Style None Raised Depressed Uniform Dropshadow Font Family Proportional Sans-Serif Monospace Sans-Serif Proportional Serif Monospace Serif Casual Script Small Caps Reset restore all settings to the default values Done Close Modal Dialog End of dialog window. Advertisement Video Player is loading. Play Video Play Unmute Current Time 0:00 / Duration -:- Loaded : 0% Stream Type LIVE Seek to live, currently behind live LIVE Remaining Time - 0:00 This is a modal window. Beginning of dialog window. Escape will cancel and close the window. Text Color White Black Red Green Blue Yellow Magenta Cyan Transparency Opaque Semi-Transparent Background Color Black White Red Green Blue Yellow Magenta Cyan Transparency Opaque Semi-Transparent Transparent Window Color Black White Red Green Blue Yellow Magenta Cyan Transparency Transparent Semi-Transparent Opaque Font Size 50% 75% 100% 125% 150% 175% 200% 300% 400% Text Edge Style None Raised Depressed Uniform Dropshadow Font Family Proportional Sans-Serif Monospace Sans-Serif Proportional Serif Monospace Serif Casual Script Small Caps Reset restore all settings to the default values Done Close Modal Dialog End of dialog window. Next Stay Close ✕ According to Flightradar24, the closures affect approximately 3,000 flights per day through cancelled flights or re-routes. Image: Flightradar24 Emirates and Qatar Airways are among the few airlines that have issued travel advisories for travellers and have had to suspend their flights. Emirates said on Saturday that due to the regional situation, they have temporarily suspended all flights to Iran (Tehran) and Iraq (Baghdad and Basra), until and including Monday, 30 June 2025. 'Customers connecting through Dubai with final destinations in Iraq and Iran will not be accepted for travel at their point of origin until further notice. Customers impacted by flight cancellations must contact their travel agency for rebooking. If booked directly with Emirates, please contact us.' They also urged travellers departing or arriving at Dubai International Airport to check their flight status on for the latest information. 'We apologise for any inconvenience caused to our customers. We continue to closely monitor developments. The safety of our passengers, employees and operations will always be our top priority.' The Iranian flag is pictured in front of Iran's Foreign Ministry building in Tehran November 23, 2009. Image: Morteza Nikoubazl/Reuters Qatar Airways said they have temporarily cancelled flights to Iran, Iraq and Syria. The affected airports in Iran include Imam Khomeini Airport (IKA), Mashhad Airport (MHD), and Shiraz Airport (SYZ). In Iraq, the affected airports are Baghdad Airport (BGW), Erbil Airport (EBL), Basra Airport (BSR), Sulaymaniyah Airport (ISU) and Najaf Airport (NJF). In Syria, the affected airport is Damascus International Airport (DAM). The United Kingdom's Foreign, Commonwealth & Development Office (FCDO) has advised against all travel to Iran. 'If you are a British national already in Iran, either resident or visitor, carefully consider your presence there and the risks you take by staying. British and British-Iranian dual nationals are at significant risk of arrest, questioning or detention. Having a British passport or connections to the UK can be reason enough for the Iranian authorities to detain you,' they said.
IOL News
an hour ago
- IOL News
How Inequality and Passivity Are Eroding South Africa's Youth Potential and Threatening the 4IR
This is not just a mental health crisis. It is a national development emergency. It threatens to sabotage South Africa's Fourth Industrial Revolution (4IR) ambitions before they begin. Image: Andrew Brookes, Connect Images via AFP There are moments in a nation's journey where silence signals something far deeper than calm. In South Africa today, that silence echoes from households where parents have stopped asking if their children will find work, from classrooms where curiosity has faded into withdrawal and from young people whose eyes reveal exhaustion long before adulthood. It is Youth Month, yet for millions of young South Africans, there is little to celebrate. We are not simply facing high unemployment. We are facing the slow erosion of youth cognition, confidence and creative capacity. This erosion is driven by inequality, system fatigue and digital passivity. Left unchecked, this quiet crisis will calcify into something far more damaging than joblessness: a generation disengaged from both reality and its own potential. This is not just a mental health crisis. It is a national development emergency. It threatens to sabotage South Africa's Fourth Industrial Revolution (4IR) ambitions before they begin. In a society as unequal as ours, inequality does not just widen the wealth gap. It thins the cognitive fabric of a generation. To be young and poor in South Africa is to live under a constant hum of stress. Not only from the pressure to survive, but from the unrelenting weight of exclusion. Daily hunger, overcrowded classrooms, unsafe communities and fractured families are not only social problems. They are neurological assaults. The Journal of African Economies (2024) confirms what many teachers and social workers already observe: young people who are not in education, employment or training (NEET) show an average 25 per cent decline in cognitive function compared to their peers. This includes memory retention, attention and problem-solving skills – core capacities needed for learning, working and thriving in a digital economy. Video Player is loading. Play Video Play Unmute Current Time 0:00 / Duration -:- Loaded : 0% Stream Type LIVE Seek to live, currently behind live LIVE Remaining Time - 0:00 This is a modal window. Beginning of dialog window. Escape will cancel and close the window. Text Color White Black Red Green Blue Yellow Magenta Cyan Transparency Opaque Semi-Transparent Background Color Black White Red Green Blue Yellow Magenta Cyan Transparency Opaque Semi-Transparent Transparent Window Color Black White Red Green Blue Yellow Magenta Cyan Transparency Transparent Semi-Transparent Opaque Font Size 50% 75% 100% 125% 150% 175% 200% 300% 400% Text Edge Style None Raised Depressed Uniform Dropshadow Font Family Proportional Sans-Serif Monospace Sans-Serif Proportional Serif Monospace Serif Casual Script Small Caps Reset restore all settings to the default values Done Close Modal Dialog End of dialog window. Advertisement Next Stay Close ✕ When 78 per cent of Grade 4 learners cannot read for meaning, it is not merely a schooling crisis. It is an early warning signal of national cognitive decline. A country cannot build future industries when the foundational circuits of thought are short-circuited by inequality. It is one thing for the youth to feel unseen. It is another when the very institutions that profit from their struggles begin to deny those struggles exist. In a recent interview, Capitec CEO Gerrie Fourie stated that South Africa's unemployment rate was closer to 10 per cent, not the official 32.9 per cent, because informal traders in townships – those selling fruit on corners or running spaza shops – should be counted as economically active. This was not a technical misstep. It was a rhetorical distortion. And in a country where millions are desperate for policy rooted in reality, it was deeply irresponsible. Former Statistician-General Dr Pali Lehohla responded publicly, calling the remarks not only false but dangerous. Stats SA's labour force surveys already account for informal and self-employed workers. To imply otherwise is to undermine decades of statistical integrity and, more critically, to invalidate the lived experience of black South Africans bearing the brunt of joblessness. When elite actors conflate survivalism with economic inclusion, they dilute the urgency of reform. They shift the focus from structural transformation to cosmetic storytelling. If a fruit vendor earning R60 a day with no pension, no sick leave and no safety net is considered a success story, what does that say about the stories we are choosing not to tell? In many South African households today, silence is no longer golden. It is algorithmic. Children sit quietly, heads bowed, not in prayer or study, but in submission to glowing screens. The home, once a place of learning, discipline and intergenerational exchange, has been rewired by bandwidth and buffering speeds. Herein lies a growing national concern. We are witnessing not just screen addiction, but a form of mental colonialism, where the attention, aspirations and identities of our youth are shaped more by global content platforms than by families, schools, or national vision. With an average of seven to nine hours of daily screen time, much of it spent on escapist and non-educational content, South Africa's youth are not only disengaging from traditional schooling. They are detaching from reality itself. Platforms like TikTok and Instagram are not merely entertainment. They are mental monopolies, shaping what is seen as success, who is worthy and what is worth thinking about. What does it mean when a five-year-old learns to mimic influencers before they learn to write their name? When families eat together in silence, each person lost in their own algorithm? When attention spans shrink, not from medical conditions, but from the cumulative effect of curated distraction? International research (Lancet Digital Health, 2023) shows that excessive digital exposure in under-resourced environments is directly linked to increased anxiety, poor memory and impaired critical thinking. In South Africa, this digital drift is compounded by the absence of adult intervention, overstretched parents and caregivers fighting their own battles. We often ask what is wrong with the youth. But perhaps the harder question is: what has changed in our homes, in our language and in our expectations that has allowed this disengagement to take root? South Africa has declared its commitment to the Fourth Industrial Revolution with urgency. Digital labs, AI workshops and coding bootcamps are rapidly expanding. But behind the buzzwords lies a quieter truth. A digital future cannot be built on a cognitively unprepared present. The 4IR is not just about machines. It is about mindset. And if the mindset of our youth is marked by trauma, exhaustion and stagnation, no amount of laptops or programming apps will produce innovation. The World Economic Forum (2025) notes that South Africa faces a 15 per cent skills deficit in key 4IR sectors, largely due to foundational weaknesses in education and mental health. But these numbers hide an even more sobering reality: our collective inability to sustain curiosity, build resilience and foster adaptive thinking among young people. Innovation does not thrive in survival mode. It requires psychological safety, creative freedom and cognitive stimulation – all of which are in short supply when schools are under-resourced, homes are overstressed and national discourse remains reactive rather than regenerative. A country cannot automate its way out of disconnection. It must first restore the minds that are meant to lead it. South Africa does not need another commission. It needs a culture shift. One that begins in the places we already live, teach, parent and lead. Mental health must stop being treated as a specialist concern and instead be recognised as a developmental foundation, woven into the fabric of our public systems and social interactions. What does that look like? Make schools safe for the mind, not just the body Trauma-informed teaching must become standard. Schools must foster emotional literacy, not just exam readiness. – A maths teacher who affirms a child's artistic strength – A school that includes 'mental focus breaks' alongside academic drills – A child encouraged for who they are, not just what they score Speak differently in our homes Caregivers need practical tools to shift language from shame to support. – A parent who says, 'What's on your mind?' instead of, 'What's wrong with you?' – A grandmother who spots the signs of burnout – A meal shared without screens, a conversation that says, 'You matter' Unlock the power of peer support and mentorship Not all wisdom comes from above. Youth-led groups and 'school mom' systems, where older pupils mentor juniors, can nurture resilience through companionship. – A 17-year-old checking on a Grade 8 learner after school – A WhatsApp group for venting, reflecting, dreaming – A community centre that hosts healing circles, not just homework clubs Elevate the language of leadership Leaders must normalise mental health as a public priority, not an HR footnote. – A mayor who opens a mobile wellness van – A CEO who funds therapy access as part of youth skilling – A minister who begins a policy speech with youth mental health statistics South Africa has long been a nation of endurance. Under apartheid, we learned to bear pain in silence. But that legacy of suppression has hardened into something more troubling – a generational tolerance for despair. Today's youth are not apathetic. They are exhausted. They are inheriting not only economic exclusion, but a national script that tells them to absorb, adapt and smile while doing it. But unlike 1976, today's battle is not fought in the streets. It is waged in the mind. What happens when a generation stands to lose even more, but no longer remembers how to resist? The cost of cognitive stagnation is not measured in hospital beds or dropout rates alone. It is felt in the silence of unasked questions, the flicker of disengaged eyes, the absence of outrage in a time that demands resistance. It is Youth Month in South Africa. We owe this generation more than inspiration. We owe them infrastructure for the mind. Let us build a country where mental health is not a private burden but a public resource. Where every home is a place of healing, every school a space of stimulation, every community a site of cognitive resilience. Let us stop asking when the 4IR will save us and start asking whether we are preparing young minds to lead it. There is no revolution without reflection. Nomvula Zeldah Mabuza is a Risk Governance and Compliance Specialist with extensive experience in strategic risk and industrial operations. She holds a Diploma in Business Management (Accounting) from Brunel University, UK, and is an MBA candidate at Henley Business School, South Africa. Image: Supplied There is no innovation without imagination. And there is no future without the mental wealth to imagine it.
Daily Maverick
an hour ago
- Daily Maverick
SA photojournalist Rashid Lombard wielded his camera and jazz as instruments of resistance and celebration
In documenting pivotal moments in South Africa's journey towards democracy, Lombard grasped the intersection of political life and the cultural world. The click of a camera shutter and the improvisation of a jazz saxophone may seem worlds apart. Yet, in the hands of South African photojournalist and cultural organiser Rashid Lombard, they became inseparable instruments of resistance and celebration. Born in Port Elizabeth (now Gqeberha) in 1951, Lombard began his journey as a photographer during one of the most turbulent periods in South African history. He documented pivotal moments in the country's journey towards democracy, including the release of Nelson Mandela in 1990 and South Africa's first democratic elections in 1994. I am an African studies scholar working at the intersection of creativity, memory and restorative justice. Lombard's work came into sharp focus when I conceptualised and curated the exhibition Martyrs, Saints and Sellouts: The Photographs of Benny Gool, Adil Bradlow and Zubeida Vallie in 2013. Rashid's death on 4 June at the age of 74 marks the end of a life that synced visual documentation of struggle with devotion to the music that sustained – and critically examined – what came after. The journey of a photographer Like so many in South Africa, Lombard's childhood was shattered by the impact of the Group Areas Act of 1950, which segregated South Africans by race. It eviscerated his multicultural boyhood. In 1962, when he was 11, his family relocated to Cape Town. After completing his schooling, he first trained as an architectural draughtsman before moving into industrial photography, beginning his career at a large construction company. He would later become a respected photojournalist. His camera became a witness, capturing not just the dramatic moments of political upheaval, but the humanity of ordinary people living under extraordinary oppression. He photographed for leading global media agencies and also for local anti-apartheid publications like Grassroots and South. If pressed, I would say that my favourite image of his is the one of fellow South African photographer Ernest Cole. The composition demonstrates masterful visual doubling (in a mirror) that illuminates both Cole's life and photography's fundamental nature. This intimate behind-the-scenes image reveals masculine vulnerability – not just Cole's, but potentially Lombard's own exposure. Lombard's achievement lies in capturing this profoundly personal moment between friends. He documents their kinship and connection, a shield against apartheid's brutality. Many other famous South Africans would be captured in his lens – Desmond Tutu, Nelson Mandela, Winnie Madikizela Mandela, Chris Hani, Dumile Feni. But he more often dwelled on everyday people. Lombard worked alongside photographers like Benny Gool, Jimi Matthews, Willie de Klerk and Zubeida Vallie, whose contributions were often overshadowed by white contemporaries. Gool documented the liberation struggle with intimate knowledge of the communities he photographed. Vallie, possibly the only black woman photographing the struggle years in Cape Town, brought unique sensitivity to documenting resistance. Jazz champion What distinguished Lombard from even these contemporaries was his understanding that the struggle for freedom extended beyond the political realm into the cultural, where jazz music thrived. During the 1980s, as black townships burned and international sanctions tightened, jazz clubs and homes became sanctuaries. Here South Africans could express their humanity through music. Lombard captured the musicians and their struggles, decades later publishing his photo book Jazz Rocks. He founded an events company in 1997 and established the important Cape Town International Jazz Festival in 2000. A rich legacy What emerges from Lombard's body of work is a profound understanding of interconnectedness. Between art and politics, between individual expression and collective liberation, between the click of a shutter and the rhythm of a bass line. His photographs capture not just what happened, but what it felt like to live through the transformation of a nation. They show us jazz musicians and protest marchers as performers in democracy's great improvisation, and ordinary moments as extraordinary acts of defiance. For the archive of the anti-apartheid struggle, Lombard's contributions represent something beyond mere documentation. They constitute a visual testimony to both the dream of freedom and its complex, often painful unrealisation. His later images reveal the euphoria of liberation alongside the sobering recognition that political freedom would not automatically translate into economic justice or social equality. In documenting both the struggle and its aftermath, Lombard's rich archive – including more than 500,000 film negatives – becomes a meditation. His photographs ask uncomfortable questions. What does liberation mean when poverty persists? How do we measure progress when cultural expression remains undervalued? They remind us that revolution can be both the raised fist and the extended saxophone, both the protest chant and the syncopated rhythm that makes our hips sway in hope. Lombard's legacy lies in his recognition that freedom has many expressions, and that its struggle extends far beyond political emancipation. He is survived by his partner, Colleen, and children Chevan, Shadley, Yana, Zach and Daniel. They shared not only his life, but the sacrifices that apartheid demanded. Hamba kahle, Rashid, go well. We mourn you through your photographs, which remind us of your life, one lived in the pursuit of justice, art and truth. DM First published by The Conversation. Siona O'Connell is a professor of interdisciplinary studies and African studies at the University of Pretoria. This story first appeared in our weekly Daily Maverick 168 newspaper, which is available countrywide for R35.
