
Mars' $36 billion Kellanova deal faces EU antitrust investigation, sources say: Reuters
Mars' $36 billion bid for Pringles maker Kellanova is set to face a full-scale EU antitrust investigation, people close to the matter said on Wednesday, a move that could require the candy giant to divest assets to address competition concerns.
The European Commission, which acts as the antitrust watchdog in the 27-country bloc, is concerned about Mars' high market share in some products in some European Union countries, the sources said.
Family-owned Mars is unlikely to offer remedies to assuage such concerns during the EU competition enforcer's preliminary review of the deal, which ends on June 25, the sources said.
The Commission declined to comment. Mars and Kellanova did not respond to repeated emails for comment.
Mars announced the deal in August last year that will bring together brands from M&M's and Snickers to Pringles and Pop-Tarts under one roof.
There has been a wave of consolidation in the U.S. packaged food sector as companies seek scale to weather the impact of inflation-weary consumers cutting back on spending and shifting to private label brands.
European retailers have voiced concerns about the deal, citing the power of large international suppliers of branded packaged goods and the high concentration levels in products such as breakfast cereals, carbonated drinks, confectionery and frozen desserts.
They say such high market shares give large suppliers the power to impose restrictions and practices to retailers' detriment.

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Business Insider
an hour ago
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Kuldar Väärsi, the founder and CEO of Milrem Robotics, told Business Insider that Western weapons makers and militaries need to be learning from what's happening in Ukraine and that the company's experiences there have led to some changes in its products. Väärsi said that developments in Ukraine are "totally different" from peacetime, when weapons are used in training and exercises. The company has been closely watching for ways to make its robots better, both to help Ukraine and to help Europe if needed. One key area has been the simplicity of use. He said the THeMIS was "already quite simple and very easy system to control," but the needs on the battlefield meant it had to be even simpler. He said that in peacetime, equipment might only be used by experienced troops with training. "In Ukraine, in real war, you can't follow that," Väärsi said. "Basically, anybody who needs that equipment will use it, and the more intuitive and simple you make the user interface and you make the usability, the more certain you can be that actually it'll be properly used and efficiently used and it'll be useful for the troops." The electronic warfare battle in Ukraine, in which both sides are jamming and spoofing everything — drones, comms, GPS, and more— has also sparked big changes in uncrewed systems technology. "What we have learned and changed and implemented in our systems is everything related to EW, communication, and cyber," the Milrem CEO said. Evolutions in countermeasures like electronic warfare have led to developments like fiber-optic drones and AI-enabled drones that are resistant to enemy jamming. "What we can see as a trend in Ukraine is that technologies around communication change basically weekly," Väärsi said, referring to the combat systems that rely heavily on stable signals. The feedback from Ukraine means "we have changed quite significantly our design and our products," he said. Väärsi said the company was "very eager" to provide its systems to Ukraine it is based in Estonia, a country once part of the Soviet Union like Ukraine and a current Russian neighbor worried about the possibility of an attack on its sovereignty. Estonia is among the biggest defense spenders in NATO as a proportion of GDP and one of the countries sounding the alarm the loudest about Russia. "It's our mission to support Ukraine as much as we can, to help them win this war. And even if it's as little as sending our vehicles, then we should certainly do it," Väärsi said. He said it's a good business move, too. "If you look at it from the validation perspective, the equipment which doesn't justify itself in Ukraine, why should that be even necessary?" Milrem was founded in 2013, and Väärsi said that before this war, "quite a lot of people were talking about unmanned ground vehicles in defense," but there were also "lots of doubts around it." This war "has demonstrated that unmanned ground vehicles have a really important place on the battlefield," he said. Learning from Ukraine Many Western governments want their countries' battlefield technology in Ukraine so companies can learn how best to be ready for any potential conflict with Russia — something many European countries warn could happen. It's something many Western defense companies want too. Their products can be battle-tested and updated, proving their worth and increasing sales. Luke Pollard, the UK's armed forces minister, said last month:"If you are a drone company and you do not have your kit on the front line in Ukraine, you might as well give up." Väärsi said that Milrem Robotics has a team that regularly visits Ukraine, meets military units, and works directly with the operators who use the company's equipment. It will also soon have a team based in Ukraine to "be closer to Ukrainian forces and to support them even better," he shared. Many companies work closely with soldiers to aid development. A Ukrainian drone operator previously told BI that he texts and FaceTimes with drone makers about their products to encourage a better iterative design and development process. Robots of the future Ground robots are particularly useful on the battlefield because they can be used to move a lot more weight than the flying drones and often more than humans can, fire from positions that are not safe for soldiers to fight from, and travel closer to Russian positions than any human fighter can safely. Väärsi said he sees the robots' role "as a first line of defense or offense," keeping troops safer. That benefits Ukraine, which doesn't have manpower to spare. "You don't move your troops in front, but you move your unmanned systems," he said. Väärsi noted Ukraine, which has a rapidly growing defense industry, has also developed a "very capable" ground robots industry. It's a technology the West and others as well are looking at more and more. Germany's ARX Robotics opened Europe's largest production facility for ground military robots this year, and companies across the continent are making new models. Milrem is playing a leading role, heading a consortium developing unmanned ground systems that received $56 million in funding from the European Defense Fund. Its robots are capable platforms that Russian researchers actually put a bounty on, encouraging soldiers to try to steal one to advance Russia's work in this space. The company's other products include larger combat vehicles, like HAVOC, which has a payload capacity of 5 tons. It also has an AI-enabled intelligent functions kit, which lets the vehicles move autonomously. It says that its products are part of robotics programs or in service in 19 countries, including the US, UK, and Germany. Ground robots are one of many things Ukraine's international partners are watching closely as they look into what sort of tactics, weaponry, and so on they should adopt. Milrem collaborates with companies that are in Ukraine, and Väärsi encouraged other foreign defense companies to do the same. "What I consider very important is that in Europe we need to learn and very seriously learn what is ongoing in Ukraine: what works, what doesn't work, what mindsets need to be shifted to be better equipped if — hopefully that never happens — but if Russia decides to expand their activities in the warfare."

Business Insider
an hour ago
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Miami Herald
2 hours ago
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Microsoft's swift compliance with Trump's order, reported earlier by The Associated Press, shocked policymakers across Europe. It was a wake-up call for a problem far bigger than just one email account, stoking fears that the Trump administration would leverage America's tech dominance to penalize opponents, even in allied countries like the Netherlands. 'The ICC showed this can happen,' said Bart Groothuis, a former head of cybersecurity for the Dutch Ministry of Defense who is now a member of the European Parliament. 'It's not just fantasy.' Groothuis once supported U.S. tech firms but has done a '180-degree flip-flop,' he said. 'We have to take steps as Europe to do more for our sovereignty.' Some at the ICC are now using Proton, a Swiss company that provides encrypted email services, three people with knowledge of the communications said. Microsoft said the decision to suspend Khan's email had been made in consultation with the ICC. The company said it had since enacted policy changes that had been in the works before the episode to protect customers in similar geopolitical situations in the future. When the Trump administration sanctioned four additional ICC judges this month, their email accounts were not suspended, the company said. Brad Smith, Microsoft's president, said concerns raised by the ICC episode were a 'symptom' of a larger erosion of trust between the United States and Europe. 'The ICC issue added fuel to a fire that was already burning,' he said. Khan has been on leave from the ICC since last month, pending a sexual misconduct investigation. He has denied the allegations. An ICC spokesperson said it was taking steps to 'mitigate risks which may affect the court's personnel' and 'taking extensive measures to ensure the continuity of all relevant operations and services in the face of sanctions.' The episode has set off alarms across Europe about how dependent European governments, businesses and citizens are on U.S. tech companies like Microsoft for essential digital infrastructure -- and how hard it will be to disentangle themselves. Concerns about how else Trump might leverage technology for political advantage has jump-started efforts across the region to develop alternatives. Casper Klynge, a former Danish and European Union diplomat who worked for Microsoft, said the episode was in many ways the 'smoking gun that many Europeans had been looking for.' 'If the U.S. administration goes after certain organizations, countries or individuals, the fear is American companies are obligated to comply,' said Klynge, who now works for a cybersecurity company. 'It's had a profound impact.' The tech debate adds to an increasingly fractious U.S.-European relationship over trade, tariffs and the war in Ukraine. Trump and Vice President JD Vance have criticized how Europe regulates U.S. tech companies, and U.S. officials have made digital oversight and taxation part of ongoing trade negotiations. European regulators have argued that they need to be able to police the biggest digital platforms in their own countries without worrying that they will face political pressure and punishment from a foreign government. 'If we don't build adequate capacity within Europe, then we won't be able to make political choices anymore,' said Alexandra Geese, a member of the European Parliament. Since Edward Snowden's leak of scores of documents in 2013 detailing widespread U.S. surveillance of digital communications, Europeans have sought to diminish their reliance on U.S. tech. Lawmakers and regulators have targeted Apple, Meta, Google and others for anticompetitive business practices, privacy-invading services, and the spread of disinformation and other divisive content. Yet without viable alternatives, institutions across the region have turned to U.S. digital services. Amazon, Google, Microsoft and other U.S. firms control more than 70% of the cloud computing market in Europe, which is the essential way for storing files, retrieving data and running other programs, according to Synergy Research Group. The ICC has been a longtime customer of Microsoft, which provides the court with services including the Office software suite and software for evidence analysis and file storage, according to an ICC lawyer who declined to be identified discussing internal procedures. Microsoft has also provided cybersecurity software to help the court withstand digital attacks from adversaries like Russia, which is being investigated for war crimes in Ukraine. In February, after Trump issued penalties against Khan, Microsoft met with ICC officials to decide how to respond. They concluded that Microsoft's broader work for the court could continue but that Khan's email should be suspended. He switched his correspondence to another email account, said a person who has communicated with him. Sara Elizabeth Dill, a lawyer who specializes in sanctions compliance, said the Trump administration was increasingly using sanctions and executive orders to target international institutions, universities and other organizations, forcing companies to make hard choices about how to comply. 'This is a quagmire and places these corporations in a very difficult position,' she said. How tech companies with global services respond is especially important, she added, 'as the broad repercussions are what people and organizations are primarily worried about.' Microsoft and other U.S. companies have sought to reassure European customers. On Monday, Microsoft CEO Satya Nadella visited the Netherlands and announced new 'sovereign solutions' for European institutions, including legal and data security protections for 'a time of geopolitical volatility.' Amazon and Google have also announced policies aimed at European customers. Still, many institutions are exploring alternatives. In the Netherlands, the 'subject of digital autonomy and sovereignty has the full attention of the central government,' Eddie van Marum, the state secretary of digitalization in the Ministry of Interior Affairs, said in a statement. The country is working with European providers on new solutions, he said. In Denmark, the digital ministry is testing alternatives to Microsoft Office. In Germany, the northern state of Schleswig-Holstein is also taking steps to cut its use of Microsoft. In the European Union, officials have announced plans to spend billions of euros on new artificial intelligence data centers and cloud computing infrastructure that rely less on U.S. companies. Groothuis, the Dutch member of the European Parliament, said lawmakers in Brussels were discussing policy changes that would encourage governments to favor buying tech services from EU-based companies. 'The situation is not tenable, and we see a big push from European governments to become more independent and more resilient,' said Andy Yen, CEO of Proton. European tech companies see an opportunity to win customers from their U.S. rivals. Cloud service providers like Intermax Group, based in the Netherlands, and Exoscale, based in Switzerland, said they had seen a jump in new business. 'A few years ago, everyone was saying, 'They're our trusted partners,'' Ludo Baauw, Intermax's CEO, said of U.S. tech companies. 'There's been a radical change.' This article originally appeared in The New York Times. Copyright 2025