Kleinfontein is not an illegal township, maintains CEO

Mayor Moya has established a committee to prevent more townships from popping up.
While City of Tshwane Mayor Nasiphi Moya has declared Kleinfontein among 17 illegally established townships in city, the Afrikaner-only town's leadership says nothing could be further from the truth.
Earlier this week, Moya confirmed that the city has identified 17 illegally established townships within the metro's boundaries, some established on municipal land or private property. These include:
Leeuwfontein;
Kleinfontein;
Moshate Gardens;
Marula View;
Mooikloof (Tweefontein) Wallmannsthal;
Haakoringboom;
Onderstepoort;
Elandsfontein Plots;
and Moloto City.
Moya said the individuals responsible for these settlements did not follow the legal framework that governs township establishment.
'In most cases, no formal township application was lodged, environmental and planning approvals were bypassed, and no bulk infrastructure was planned or installed,' she said.
Moya said these illegal developments now face a host of serious challenges, including inadequate access to water, electricity, sanitation, and roads, poor spatial integration, and service delivery backlogs.
Moya has established a mayoral sub-committee to prevent more townships from popping up.
The High Court in Pretoria declared Kleinfontein illegal last year and ordered the city to enforce its laws and regulations in the area. The settlement's leaders said they planned to challenge this in court.
Town not illegal, says CEO
Kleinfontein CEO Stefan Wiese welcomed the establishment of this committee, but disputed that the town is an illegal township.
'Kleinfontein is a legally established cultural settlement in terms of section 235 of the constitution of the Republic of South Africa, which provides for the right to self-determination of cultural communities.
'This status was formally acknowledged by the Gauteng Legislature in 2013, following a visit to Kleinfontein by members of the provincial legislature, who recognised our community as a legitimate cultural expression under the constitution,' he said.
Wiese said Kleinfontein is built on private land, legally bought and fully paid for by its members, and developed using funds raised entirely by the community.
'We have received no government grants or assistance in this regard.
'Kleinfontein is also not a burden on the City of Tshwane. Since our establishment more than 30 years ago, we have provided all municipal-type services internally, including water, sanitation, electricity distribution, refuse removal, and internal security.
'We do not receive or require any municipal services from the City.
'Importantly, Kleinfontein has had an active rezoning application with the City of Tshwane since 2013,' he added.
Wiese said they were relieved that this matter may now finally receive the attention it deserves through the work of the committee.
'A resolution to this long-outstanding application will bring clarity and benefit all,' he said.
ALSO READ: WATCH: 'Apartheid and Kleinfontein can't be mentioned in the same sentence' says Afrikaner community after MK party visit
What the committee will do
The committee's focus will be on reviewing the findings and legal implications of the 17 identified illegal townships, consulting with affected communities and property owners, engaging relevant departments and enforcement agencies, and recommending a consolidated approach and draft policy for the Council's consideration.
The committee includes the MMC for Human Settlements Aaron Maluleka, the MMC for Economic Development and Spatial Planning Sarah Mabotsa, the MMC for Utilities Frans Boshielo, and the MMC for Community Safety Hannes Coetzee.
ALSO READ: EFF to march to exclusive Afrikaner township Kleinfontein
Are they paying tax?
Tshwane's Democratic Alliance (DA) caucus spokesperson, Jacqui Uys, said the party hopes the outcomes of the committee's investigations will be fair towards all the ratepayers and residents of Tshwane.
'The City of Tshwane has 19 illegally established developments, like Kleinfontein, Leeufontein, and Moshate Gardens, where approximately 19 500 individuals are not charged rates and taxes. The city chose to leave some untaxed, yet charge punitive taxes on others,' she added.
Uys said it is not fair to Tshwane taxpayers that these areas are exempt from paying tax.
'However, many of whom the homeowners in these developments were hoodwinked by developers when purchasing their properties and were unaware of the accompanied illegalities, thus a punitive tax is also unfair,' she concluded.

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The Citizen

a day ago

• The Citizen

Viral claims about SA agriculture: Do white farmers produce most of our key crops?

Viral claims about SA agriculture: Do white farmers produce most of our key crops? While formal surveys show that white South African farmers produce the majority of key crops, this discounts much of the output of black farmers, which is often not reflected. Production by black farmers is often for household use and not reflected in commercial farming data. Neither are sales in small local markets. The claim that black farmers own '50% of all the land area when you add state land' is not backed up by any available data. It further disregards several important factors, for example that not all land designated as 'agricultural' is arable. For weeks in May and June, widely followed accounts on X have circulated eye-catching and divisive statistics about race and farming in South Africa. But ironically, these numbers originated in a speech aimed at debunking misinformation and were then misquoted and repurposed for a global audience. Where did it all start? The account @EndWokeness, which has 3.7 million followers, played a key role. It has a track record of spreading false information. In the past, some of the account's posts have been countered by community notes, which are factual corrections added by X users, though some of these have later been removed. False posts, like a viral story of immigrants to the US eating pets, remain on the site uncorrected. But as the Washington Post has reported, the account has often escaped consequences. It has boasted about making thousands of dollars a month from such claims and its posts are sometimes amplified by platform owner Elon Musk. In May, @EndWokeness took to posting about the 49 white South Africans who claimed refugee status in the US. While at the same time implementing sweeping deportation policies, US president Donald Trump has claimed that white Afrikaner South Africans face persecution, for example through employment equity laws and the false narrative of 'white genocide'. Based on this, Trump has allowed asylum claims from South Africans who are 'Afrikaners or members of a racial minority', even while blocking most other refugees. In this context, @EndWokeness warned that South Africa's perceived actions against Afrikaners would have negative consequences, claiming that 'white farmers currently produce' over 90% of all corn, soy beans, wheat, cotton, citrus, and almost all potatoes (99%). These stats were likely copied directly from a reply to @EndWokeness posted less than two hours earlier by another account, @CrazyVibes_1, which had added: 'Why are the black farmers not commercially producing? They do own millions of hectares of land. Approximately 50% of all the land area when you add state land.' But @CrazyVibes_1 was also copying. Its tweet, word for word including formatting and emojis, matched one posted in March by @twatterbaas, who has repeated variations of these same claims before. News24, South Africa's most-visited news website, identified @twatterbaas as Sebastiaan Jooste, a former farmer. After the investigation the government condemned what it called deliberate misinformation and the spread of racial hatred. Jooste's posts helped push these claims to a global audience, possibly even reaching Musk, the world's richest man. Yet no one along the way seems to have checked whether the numbers were accurate. So, Africa Check did. In his earliest post, Jooste said the statistics came from an February 18 X post by Wandile Sihlobo, chief economist at the Agricultural Business Chamber of South Africa, a group that represents commercial farming businesses. Sihlobo's post showed that his research was used in a speech by agriculture minister John Steenhuisen titled Briefing on malicious misinformation. In the speech, Steenhuisen said that 'South Africa remains an economically unjust society', including in farming. As evidence, he cited Sihlobo's estimates of the average share of black farmers in commercial agricultural output between 2015 and 2019 (though he mistakenly said 2015 to 2020). To calculate the output of white farmers, Jooste seems to have simply subtracted Sihlobo's figures from 100%. For instance, Sihlobo estimated black farmers produced 1.3% of commercially sold wheat, leading Jooste to conclude that white farmers must then produce the other '98.7% of all the wheat'. But this ignores key context. Widely shared stats are incomplete 'guesstimates' The original statistics came from a paper called Agriculture in South Africa, written by Sihlobo and Prof Johann Kirsten, director of Stellenbosch University's Bureau for Economic Research (BER). Their data was based on records from the National Agricultural Marketing Council (NAMC), which collects figures from agricultural organisations. For example, the Citrus Growers' Association tracks citrus exports and levies based on reports from its members. These organisations have committed to initiatives addressing inequalities in farming, and so keep some data related to race. But these records do not represent all agricultural activity in South Africa. The NAMC's data is limited to commercial activity reported by individual agricultural organisations. Kirsten told Africa Check that although quoted extensively, these numbers were 'incomplete … and in any case only a guesstimate'. He said 'it is very difficult to allocate a race dimension to agricultural output' without more comprehensive data and concluded the number was an 'inaccurate' minimum that could be much higher. Speaking to Africa Check, Sihlobo described Jooste's framing as 'a 'naughty' use of our valuable research'. Not only could these figures from 2019 have changed since, but black farmers in South Africa may well have a larger share in commercial agriculture than the statistics represent. While these figures are misleading, black farmers are underrepresented in agricultural output – but Jooste obscured the reasons why. Historical divides in commercial agriculture In his book A Country of Two Agricultures, Sihlobo explains that agricultural surveys typically exclude 'transactions in small value chains and sales in small local markets'. It is worth nothing that most South African households that farm do so mainly to feed themselves. According to Statistics South Africa estimates based on the 2022 census, 80.7% of agricultural households grow food only for their own use, and another 7.7% also sell some of it. These households usually don't appear in agricultural surveys based on commercial data. In his post, Jooste conflated commercial agriculture – produce eventually sold in formal markets – with 'all' produce grown in South Africa. There are many reasons why produce grown by black farmers is less likely to be recorded in these kinds of formal surveys. Dr Siphe Zantsi, an economist at the Agricultural Research Council, explained that historical divides resulted in black farmers not having access to the commercial sector to begin with. For example, Zantsi said, apartheid-era spatial planning has meant 'black smallholder farmers are located in remote areas (former homelands) that are far from the output markets'. These areas, also called 'Bantustans', were segregated areas designed to keep black South Africans out of major urban areas and political life. Zantsi also referred to a 2015 paper by South African researcher Stefan Schirmer, which noted that 'Apartheid … massively increased the barriers that black farmers were forced to confront', who were cut off from markets and confined to unproductive land, locking many into 'almost permanent forms of unemployment or employment in very low income jobs'. Kirsten further told Africa Check that an often-overlooked issue was 'who owns the best quality land and most productive land'. This helps explain why white farmers still dominate commercial agriculture. Zantsi noted that most agribusinesses in South Africa were white-owned, while black farmers often owned smaller pieces of land that were usually further from economic hubs, making it harder for them to sell in formal markets. This is supported by research that suggests South African commercial agriculture has been increasingly dominated by large, well-resourced farms. Zantsi cited 2013 research showing that as supermarkets became more powerful, they were incentivised to buy mainly from large commercial farms, pushing small-scale farmers out of supply chains. On top of this, there is the issue of land ownership, something that Jooste apparently tried to side-step, but not very deftly. It wasn't in the first version of his tweet, but at some point Jooste tacked on the claim that black farmers owned 'approximately 50% of all the land area'. This statistic veers far from all reliable data on the topic. Experts say inequality in agricultural land ownership is substantial and a key reason why black farmers have a smaller role in commercial agriculture. According to the 2017 land audit report, the most recent national data available, 72% of all individually owned land was held by white people. Land owned by individuals of all other racial groupings made up the remainder, including just 4% by 'African' or black individuals. In 2023, the Bureau for Economic Research estimated that around 25% of freehold agricultural land had been redistributed to black South Africans since 1994. This includes all land that has a registered title deed. But this land can be owned by multiple people or a corporation or other entity, which makes it complicated to determine ownership by race. Even so, the BER estimates that white farmers still own about 74% of freehold agricultural land, or 58 million out of 77.5 million hectares. Black farmers may own 13.5 million hectares (about 17%), but Kirsten said this was likely an undercount as title deeds did not include race and so surnames were used as a proxy, which could be inaccurate. Even if this is an under-estimate, nothing suggests that most farmland is black-owned. This could be why Jooste specified that black farmers own 'approximately 50% of all the land area when you add state land'. But the BER estimates around 6 million hectares of the remaining freehold farmland is owned by the government or has been restituted to black owners through financial compensation. Even if you include all of that, black ownership would still only equal about 25% of freehold farmland. A final category that could include farmland is rural land in the former homelands. Not all of this was used for farming, Kirsten said. Adding all of this and all government farmland, white farmers would still own around 60% of all farmland. This again contradicts Jooste's claim, but also misses the point that not all 'farmland' can be properly used for farming. Not all farmland can be farmed Of South Africa's 77.5 million hectares of freehold farmland, less than a quarter (18 million) is considered arable. Much of the rest is dry land like Karoo or Kalahari Desert, which has limited farming value. Black farmers are more likely to own land with little agricultural potential and the former homelands system explicitly carved out more valuable land for white South Africans. Efforts to redress these imbalances by providing land to black farmers have faced criticism. Zantsi explained that a 'lack of timely post settlement support' had left many beneficiaries without money or resources to run a farm. Sihlobo added that this land was generally leased, meaning recipients didn't actually own the land they farmed. This made it harder to get loans or to buy and modernise equipment. Land ownership in South Africa is complex and contested, and the data certainly isn't perfect. But even the most generous reading of the available statistics doesn't back Jooste's claim that most agricultural land is black-owned. It is especially striking that Jooste misused data from a speech meant to fight misinformation. By removing context, he gave a misleading picture of South African agriculture – one that distorts both its history and current reality. This article was first published on Africa Check. At Caxton, we employ humans to generate daily fresh news, not AI intervention. Happy reading!

Daily Maverick

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Two South African engineers released from Equatorial Guinea jail over two years after arrest

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Just two days before their detention, the Western Cape Division of the High Court had ordered the seizure of a superyacht owned by Teodoro Obiang Mangue, the vice-president of Equatorial Guinea and son of the country's long-time president, Teodoro Obiang Nguema Mbasogo. That order followed an earlier court decision to seize two luxury villas in Cape Town also linked to Mangue. Both seizures were connected to a separate legal matter involving another South African citizen allegedly imprisoned unlawfully in Equatorial Guinea. 'Complex' negotiations In July 2024, the United Nations Working Group on Arbitrary Detention issued a formal opinion stating that the men's trial had been unfair and that their continued detention was 'arbitrary and illegal'. It called for their immediate release, a call that went unheeded by Equatorial Guinea's president, despite direct appeals from both the incumbent minister of international relations, Ronald Lamola, and his predecessor, Naledi Pandor. Their eventual release, announced on 21 June, followed clemency granted by the president of Equatorial Guinea after months of sustained diplomatic appeals led by the South African government. 'The Government of the Republic of South Africa welcomes the release,' the Department of International Relations and Cooperation said. It expressed 'sincere gratitude' to Equatorial Guinea for granting the pardon and enabling Potgieter and Huxham to reunite with their families. It also recognised the extensive and complex diplomatic work behind the scenes, acknowledging the 'sensitive legal and bilateral dimensions' of the case. Since the men's arrest, the South African government remained actively engaged through official diplomatic channels, regularly appealing for clemency on humanitarian grounds. Special envoys were dispatched, and ongoing engagement was maintained at ministerial level. The department also acknowledged the constructive diplomatic engagement maintained throughout the ordeal. It reaffirmed its commitment to strengthening bilateral ties with Equatorial Guinea, praising the cooperation that allowed consular access and facilitated ongoing dialogue, even amid considerable diplomatic strain. Families express relief and gratitude Since their detainment, the families of Potgieter and Huxham have undertaken extensive efforts to secure their release, including launching the 'Free Frik and Peter' campaign with a dedicated website and online petition to raise awareness and demand urgent government action. They had engaged the South African Parliament, which adopted a unanimous motion calling for their immediate release and condemned their unlawful imprisonment. The families also appealed to the Pan-African Parliament for intervention and sought support from international bodies including the United Nations Working Group on Arbitrary Detention, which declared their detention illegal and arbitrary. 'We are overwhelmed with relief and joy. The last two years and four months have been unimaginably painful for both our families. Today, we are finally able to say: Frik and Peter are safely back home,' said Murphy and Nigrini. The families extended heartfelt thanks to all who supported them during the long campaign for release, including SBM Offshore, the men's employer, the South African and UK governments, international diplomatic partners, parliamentarians, legal teams, Hostage International, civil society organisations and members of the media. They also specifically thanked Pandor and Lamola, both of whom travelled to Equatorial Guinea as special envoys on behalf of President Cyril Ramaphosa. 'Their return home is the result of collective efforts over many, many months, and we are deeply grateful to everyone who played a role in securing their freedom,' said the families. 'This has been a long and difficult journey. We want to thank every person who stood with us – your support carried us through our darkest moments.' As Potgieter and Huxham begin the process of recovery and healing, their families have asked for privacy. DM

The Citizen

2 days ago

• The Citizen

Tshwane mayor vows to fix city's leasing system as illegal business closed during raid

Moya complained that business that were previously shut down by the City of Tshwane have reopened. While the City of Tshwane had its hands full with prolonged power outages and the switching on and off of its own reservoir, Mayor Nasiphi Moya was out on the streets this week with the Reclaim Our City campaign, which resulted in two arrests, illegal businesses being closed and notices issued. The two arrests were for illegal immigration and possession of stolen goods, while three vehicles were also impounded. Eviction notices served in Tshwane On Thursday night, Moya joined the bylaw enforcement operation in Sunnyside, with the Reclaim Our City campaign kicking off at the popular nightspot House 22. 'That club and many other businesses here have been served with eviction notices by the City of Tshwane. These businesses don't have valid permits and many are non-compliant. We were here a few months back and some of those we closed managed to reopen. We are closing them down again,' she said. Moya said the Sunnyside precinct is a strategic area that will be offered to the private sector for investment. 'All illegal businesses here will be evicted from this area. Another store we've closed. The people running this establishment supply food concoctions to predominantly Ethiopian nationals. There's no compliance with health regulations. They also don't have certification legalising the operation of a business. 'This man runs a spaza shop in Sunnyside. His visa states that he is an asylum seeker and, by law, he doesn't qualify to run a business in this city. He can only work and study in South Africa. But here he is overseeing a business operation. We've closed his store,' she added. This man runs a spaza shop in Sunnyside. His visa states that he is an asylum seeker and by law he doesn't qualify to run business in this City. He can only work and study in South Africa. But here he is overseeing a business operation. We've closed his store. @CityTshwane — Dr Nasiphi Moya (@nasiphim) June 19, 2025 ALSO READ: 'Even if it's Chinese, he's in SA' – China Town raid finds expired food, employee hiding in toilet Hijacked properties Earlier this week, Moya and her team discovered hijacked city properties in Danville, which led to the closure of five businesses. Three other premises were found to have illegal electricity connections, while one was found with an illegal water connection. ALSO READ: Pothole crisis: Tshwane mayor blames rain for municipality not fixing crumbling roads Moya said an illegal early childhood development centre, operating for 22 years from a city property without a lease, was also closed. Moya said the City of Tshwane's leasing system has not worked to benefit the municipality's income-generating capacity. 'We are determined to fix this,' she said. NOW READ: R63 million 'wasted' on Tshwane City Hall as historic site crumbles