logo
South Sudan: Opposition Leaders, Others, Detained

South Sudan: Opposition Leaders, Others, Detained

Zawya13-03-2025

South Sudanese authorities have arrested at least 22 political and military personnel in the wake of violent clashes that started in mid-February 2025 between government and armed groups in Upper Nile, Human Rights Watch said today. These recent developments have plunged the country into political crisis.
'The lack of transparency and legitimate concerns about the legality of the arrests and detention of opposition leaders and others fuel instability in an already fragile security context,' said Nyagoah Tut Pur, South Sudan researcher at Human Rights Watch. 'Authorities should immediately reveal the fate and whereabouts of detainees and ensure their due process rights, including by bringing them before a properly constituted and impartial court.'
The people arrested since March 4, are aligned with First Vice President Riek Machar, head of the Sudan People's Liberation Army in Opposition (SPLA-IO). The timing of these detentions coincides with a political crisis in Nasir, Upper Nile, where clashes between government forces and armed youth militia, also known as the White Army, displaced thousands of civilians. The area is a stronghold for supporters of Machar who has long been in opposition to President Kiir.
The South Sudanese government should immediately end the enforced disappearance or incommunicado detention of everyone linked to the opposition who has been detained since the first week of March and ensure full and strict respect for their due process rights, Human Rights Watch said.
On March 4, military authorities arrested and detained Lieutenant General Gabriel Duop Lam, deputy chief of staff of the unified army structures, who also serves as acting chief of Staff for SPLA-IO. Officials also disarmed and detained five of his bodyguards, a credible source said. The whereabouts of the six men is unknown. The detention or other deprivation of liberty of an individual, followed by a refusal to acknowledge the detention or to reveal the fate or whereabouts of the person deprived of their liberty, constitutes an enforced disappearance under international law, a crime subject to an absolute prohibition in all circumstances.
On March 5, at 2 a.m., armed National Security Service (NSS) officers took Puot Kang Chol, the petroleum minister, from his house in Juba, along with at least seven others, without explanation and drove them away, a credible witness said. The seven include: a friend, Camilo Gatmach; bodyguards Nelson Malou, Kun Tut, Peter Magong; and three family members Koang Puk, Biluny Puk, and Buay Thiechuong. The NSS officers had initially arrested Chol with one of his bodyguards at around 11 p.m. on March 4 but brought him back, a credible witness said.
The eight men were initially held at the NSS Riverside (Operations) facility then transferred to the NSS headquarters, also known as Blue House, credible sources say.
On March 6, the NSS arrested Thomas Jal Thomas, deputy inspector general of the police, and James Duop Gatleak, his deputy, in their offices and took them to the Riverside detention site but released them after a few hours, according to a credible source.
That same day, 11 armed NSS officers took Stephen Par Kuol, the peacebuilding minister, from his office along with three staff members, a witness said. They bundled them into two Landcruiser pickup trucks with other armed officers and drove away. The four men were released on early morning of March 7.
Also on March 6, NSS officers arrested and detained Mam Pal Dhuor, a member of SPLA-IO, at Juba International Airport as he attempted to board a flight to Kampala, a credible source said.
Meanwhile the situation in Nasir deteriorated. On March 7, armed men attacked a UN helicopter on a mission to rescue wounded soldiers in Nasir, killing a crew member and injuring two others. President Kiir also announced that a well-known army general, Majur Dak along with 27 other soldiers who were to be evacuated, were also killed during the attack.
The same day, the army issued a circular, seen by Human Rights Watch, deploying forces in six major road junctions leading to and from the capital, Juba. Heavy deployment at the residence of Riek Machar in the evenings is apparently ongoing.
Puok Both Baluang, the spokesperson for Riek Machar, told Human Rights Watch that as of March 10 they knew of 22 men affiliated with the SPLA-IO – including party members, staff, family, and bodyguards – detained by NSS and Military Intelligence, many of whose fate or whereabouts is unknown.
Media reported that Gatwech Lam Puoch, an SPLA-IO member of parliament for Nasir county, was arrested on March 11 and is detained at the Blue House.
Spokespeople for the NSS and the army did not respond to requests for comment. At a news conference on March 5, Information Minister Michael Makuei Lueth, said that, 'If anybody is arrested, it is for a reason.' And on March 8, the NSS spokesperson announced that it had arrested people with 'verified links to the situation in Nasir, Ulang, and surrounding areas' following extensive 'intelligence' and promised more arrests.
The National Security Service operates with limited legal and judicial oversight and de facto impunity. The service is responsible for enforced disappearances as well as the incommunicado detention and torture and ill-treatment of detainees. It has also unlawfully conducted surveillance.
The government should revise the definition of 'crimes against the state' and remove the security service authority to arrest and detain people, limit its authority for search, seizure, and surveillance, and bring it in line with the constitution and international human rights standards, Human Rights Watch said.
The government has in the past used trumped up charges of crimes against the state such as treason, publishing false information, and insulting the president, to restrict freedom of expression, assembly and association, such as peaceful exercise of political opposition, or public criticism of state policy and actions. Prosecutions and trials have been marred by human rights abuses and political interference.
The government should immediately make public the grounds for and evidence to justify the recent arrests. All detainees should immediately be brought before an independent judge to scrutinize the legality of the arrests, and to determine if they should be released or if they can continue to be lawfully detained.
The international community, including the United Nations, the African Union, and the Intergovernmental Authority on Development (IGAD) should press the South Sudanese authorities to uphold human rights, including the immediate end to any and all enforced disappearance and bringing the detainees before a court, Human Rights Watch said.
'South Sudanese authorities should cease arbitrary detention of opposition members and other actions that amount to harassment and not use the security institutions as a tool of oppression,' Pur said. 'International and regional actors like the African Union should insist that authorities uphold human rights obligations as they seek to de-escalate political tensions.'
Distributed by APO Group on behalf of Human Rights Watch (HRW).

Orange background

Try Our AI Features

Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:

Comments

No comments yet...

Related Articles

Africa: Insufficient Domestic Funding Hinders Education Progress
Africa: Insufficient Domestic Funding Hinders Education Progress

Zawya

time7 days ago

  • Zawya

Africa: Insufficient Domestic Funding Hinders Education Progress

Most African governments have consistently failed to meet global and regional education funding targets to ensure quality public education, Human Rights Watch said today on the African Union 's Day of the African Child. The 2025 theme for the day is ' planning and budgeting for children's rights: progress since 2010.' However, based on national data reported to the United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization (UNESCO), only one-third of African countries met globally endorsed education funding benchmarks for annual average spending over the decade 2013 to 2023. The figure declined to just one quarter of countries by 2022 and 2023. Fourteen African countries did not meet any of the benchmarks a single year over the past decade. 'African heads of state and governments and the African Union have all made bold commitments for national investment in education,' said Mausi Segun, Africa director at Human Rights Watch. 'But governments are not translating those commitments into sustained funding, and many have actually reduced spending levels in recent years.' Insufficient public spending on education undermines African governments' legal obligations to guarantee free and compulsory quality primary education and make secondary education available, accessible, and free for every child. It also undermines their political commitments to AU and international development goals and benchmarks. Under the UN Sustainable Development Goals, in addition to providing at least one year of pre-primary education, African governments are required to ensure that all children complete free secondary education by 2030. In 2015, UNESCO member states, including all 54 African states, agreed to increase education spending to at least 4 to 6 percent of gross domestic product (GDP) and/or at least 15 to 20 percent of total public expenditure. These internationally agreed funding benchmarks for education have been included in at least five global or AU-led declarations or action plans, including the 2015 Incheon Declaration, endorsed by all UNESCO member states; the Heads of State ('Kenyatta') Declaration on Education Financing, endorsed by 17 African heads of state and governments and ministers; the 2021 Paris Declaration and 'Global Call for Investing in the Futures of Education'; and the 2024 Fortaleza Declaration. In December 2024, the AU and African heads of state and governments expanded the upper end of the GDP benchmark from six to seven percent through the Nouakchott Declaration. UNESCO member states have made additional commitments to invest at least 10 percent of education expenditures to guarantee at least one year of free and compulsory pre-primary education by 2030. In 2024, African countries agreed to ensure that an increased share of public funding is allocated to early childhood education. Despite these obligations and global commitments, governments have failed to remove tuition and other school fees, particularly at the pre-primary and secondary level, leading to unequal access, retention, and poor quality in schools, with disproportionate impact on children from the poorest households. Families across Africa continue to shoulder an enormous burden in funding education, absorbing 27 percent of total education spending, according to World Bank 2021 data. Africa has the highest out-of-school rates in the world, with over 100 million children and adolescents estimated to be out of school across all sub-regions except North Africa. Out-of-school rates have increased since 2015 for reasons including population increases, persistent gender gaps, the cumulative effects of Covid-19 school closures, climate emergencies, and conflicts. Many children also drop out due to school-related gender-based violence, as well as discriminatory and exclusionary measures against pregnant and parenting girls, refugees, and children with disabilities, among other negative practices. Only 14 countries guarantee free access to education, from at least one year of pre-primary through secondary education, based on available UNESCO data and Human Rights Watch research. Only 21 guarantee free access to 12 years of primary and secondary education, while 6 legally guarantee access to at least one year of free pre-primary education. Human Rights Watch found that Morocco, excluding Western Sahara territory that it occupies, Namibia, and Sierra Leone are the only three African countries that both legally guarantee universally free access to primary and secondary education and at least one year of free pre-primary, and that have met both international education funding benchmarks in the last decade. Many African countries continue to underinvest in public education to manage climate-related emergencies and conflict-related crises, but this is also due to political decisions and economic policies. Numerous African governments are applying regressive austerity measures to service debt interests and repayments. Fifteen are spending more on debt servicing than on education, leading to drastic cuts to teachers' incomes, shortages of learning materials, and overcrowded classrooms. Creditor governments and institutions should consider debt restructuring or relief to ensure that debtor governments can adequately protect rights, including the right to education. In a positive development, Sierra Leone currently co-leads an initiative at the UN Human Rights Council to develop a new optional protocol to the Convention on the Rights of the Child, with the aim of recognizing that every child has a right to early childhood care and education and guaranteeing that states make public pre-primary education and secondary education available and free to all. Botswana, Burundi, Gambia, Ghana, Malawi, South Africa, and South Sudan have publicly expressed support for this process. 'African governments should urgently fulfill their pledges to guarantee universal access to free quality primary and secondary education,' Segun said. 'Governments should focus on protecting public spending for education from regressive measures and cuts and allocate resources commensurate with their obligations to guarantee access to quality public education.' Distributed by APO Group on behalf of Human Rights Watch (HRW).

Burundi: Elections Without Opposition
Burundi: Elections Without Opposition

Zawya

time12-06-2025

  • Zawya

Burundi: Elections Without Opposition

Legislative and local elections in Burundi on June 5, 2025, took place in a context of severely restricted free speech and political space, Human Rights Watch said today. The Independent National Electoral Commission (Commission électorale nationale indépendante, CENI) announced on June 11 during a press conference that the ruling party had won 96.5 percent of votes and all elected national assembly seats. The ruling party also won almost every seat in the commune-level election. Ruling party officials and youths intimidated, harassed, and threatened the population and censored media coverage to secure a landslide victory. 'Burundians voted in an atmosphere devoid of genuine political competition as the ruling party further consolidated power,' said Clémentine de Montjoye, senior Great Lakes researcher at Human Rights Watch. 'Against a backdrop of growing discontent over a deepening economic crisis and systemic human rights failings, the ruling party took no chances in the elections.' The National Council for the Defense of Democracy-Forces for the Defense of Democracy (Conseil national pour la défense de la démocratie-Forces pour la défense de la démocratie, CNDD–FDD), in power since 2005, has sought to dismantle all meaningful opposition, including from its main rival, the National Congress for Freedom (Congrès national pour la liberté, CNL). Several opposition parties, including the CNL, the Patriots' Council (Conseil des Patriotes, CDP), and the Union for National Progress (Union pour le progrès national, UPRONA) denounced irregularities in the vote. Senatorial and further local elections are scheduled for July 23 and August 25, respectively, and the next presidential polls will be in 2027. In the days following the vote, Human Rights Watch spoke with local activists, journalists, private citizens, and a member of the ruling party's youth league – the Imbonerakure – who spoke of intimidation and irregularities in both the lead-up to the election and during the voting. Media reports and witness accounts indicate that the voting on June 5 was overwhelmingly dominated by the ruling party. 'The Imbonerakure were in front of the polling station telling people to vote for the ruling party,' said a voter in the town of Bururi. 'All the workers at the polling station were members of the ruling party. The head of the polling station himself told me to vote for the ruling party.' People interviewed in Bujumbura, the country's largest city, Cibitoke, and Rumonge described similar scenes at their polling places. A Burundian civil society organization reported the same patterns in Bubanza, Gitega, Makamba, and Ngozi. 'We were told to do everything necessary to make sure that people only voted for the CNDD-FDD,' the Imbonerakure member said. Opposition parties and witnesses said that opposition party representatives, journalists, and observers were prevented from entering polling places, including when votes were being counted. In several communes (municipalities), the number of votes cast reportedly exceeded the number of registered voters. Media and witnesses also reported ballot stuffing and the selective distribution of voter cards, excluding opposition members from voting. A coalition of radio stations, television channels, and print or online media outlets coordinated coverage of the elections, reportedly funded by the Ministry of Communication, Information Technology and Media, and all content produced had to be submitted to a central editorial team, which censored reports that did not align with the official narrative, media reported. A journalist told Human Rights Watch that officials of the electoral body told the media 'not to talk about irregularities.' In December, the electoral commission barred opposition candidates, including members of the opposition Burundi for All (Burundi Bwa Bose in Kirundi) coalition and the CNL, from contesting the June elections, effectively sidelining major opposition voices. Some were able to appeal the decision at the Constitutional Court, but presidential runner-up and former leader of the CNL, Agathon Rwasa, was among those still barred from running. In January 2024, the interior minister accused the CNL of collaborating with a terrorist organization, after which the party's general assembly voted to remove Rwasa from leadership. In April 2024, Burundi adopted a new electoral code that significantly raised candidate registration fees and imposed a two-year waiting period for those leaving political parties before they can run again, effectively ensuring that Rwasa would not be eligible. The authorities, aided by the Imbonerakure, forced the population to register to vote in late 2024, according to media reports and witness accounts. 'The population wanted to show that they don't see the point in this election, and tried to boycott the registration process,' said an observer in Cibitoke. 'They were forced [to register], prevented from accessing markets, healthcare centers, administrative services or going to the fields. The Imbonerakure were everywhere to intimidate people.' The African Union deployed an observation mission and issued a preliminary report on June 7 praising the 'peaceful' conduct of Burundi's legislative and communal elections. It also praised high voter turnout, the 'climate of freedom and transparency,' and media coverage. This stands in stark contrast to the AU's own normative framework on democracy, elections, and human rights, which emphasizes credible, inclusive, and transparent electoral processes. The International Conference on the Great Lakes Region and the Economic Community of Central African States also deployed observer missions. The Catholic Church, which has criticized previous elections, deployed observers but some were turned away from polling places. General elections in May 2020 took place in a highly repressive environment, marred by allegations of irregularities. Throughout the pre-election period, Imbonerakure members committed widespread abuses, especially against people perceived to be against the ruling party, including killings, enforced disappearances, arbitrary arrests, beatings, extortion, and intimidation. Burundians have told Human Rights Watch that they feel growing frustration at the ruling party's governance, at a time when the population is facing a 40 percent annual inflation rate, chronic shortages, significant discrepancies between official and unofficial exchange rates, limited foreign currency reserves, and a fuel crisis that has crippled transport for years. The escalating conflict in neighboring Democratic Republic of Congo, which has jeopardized cross-border trade and prompted the arrival of over 70,000 refugees and asylum seekers since January 2025, as well as cuts in donor funding have further compounded the situation. In February, Burundian authorities expelled the director and security officer of the United Nations World Food Programme from the country, after they reportedly advised staff to stock up on essential goods. Civil society and opposition figures continue to report ongoing harassment, extortion, arbitrary detention, and beatings by the Imbonerakure and the authorities as the government remains deeply hostile to perceived criticism. Article 25 of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, to which Burundi is a party, states, 'Every citizen shall have the right and the opportunity … [t]o vote and to be elected at genuine periodic elections which shall be by universal and equal suffrage and shall be held by secret ballot, guaranteeing the free expression of the will of the electors.' 'Burundi's democracy has been hollowed out, with a ruling party unaccountable to its people and unwilling to tolerate dissent, even as economic desperation grows,' de Montjoye said. 'Without credible opposition, this election only further entrenches authoritarian rule and pushes Burundians further into a deeply rooted governance crisis.' Distributed by APO Group on behalf of Human Rights Watch (HRW).

US slaps sanctions on four ICC judges over Israel, US cases
US slaps sanctions on four ICC judges over Israel, US cases

Gulf Today

time06-06-2025

  • Gulf Today

US slaps sanctions on four ICC judges over Israel, US cases

The United States on Thursday imposed sanctions on four judges at the International Criminal Court including over an arrest warrant for Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu as it ramped up pressure to neuter the court of last resort. The four judges in The Hague, all women, will be barred entry to the United States and any property or other interests in the world's largest economy will be blocked -- measures more often taken against policymakers from US adversaries than against judicial officials. "The United States will take whatever actions we deem necessary to protect our sovereignty, that of Israel, and any other US ally from illegitimate actions by the ICC," Secretary of State Marco Rubio said in a statement. "I call on the countries that still support the ICC, many of whose freedom was purchased at the price of great American sacrifices, to fight this disgraceful attack on our nation and Israel," Rubio said. The court swiftly hit back, saying in a statement: "These measures are a clear attempt to undermine the independence of an international judicial institution which operates under the mandate from 125 States Parties from all corners of the globe." Marco Rubio Israel's Netanyahu welcomed the move, thanking US President Donald Trump's administration in a social media post. "Thank you President Trump and Secretary of State Rubio for imposing sanctions against the politicised judges of the ICC. You have justly stood up for the right of Israel," he wrote on Friday. War crimes Human Rights Watch urged other nations to speak out and reaffirm the independence of the ICC, set up in 2002 to prosecute individuals responsible for the world's gravest crimes when countries are unwilling or unable to do so themselves. The sanctions "aim to deter the ICC from seeking accountability amid grave crimes committed in Israel and Palestine and as Israeli atrocities mount in Gaza, including with US complicity," said the rights group's international justice director, Liz Evenson. Two of the targeted judges, Beti Hohler of Slovenia and Reine Alapini-Gansou of Benin, took part in proceedings that led to an arrest warrant issued last November for Netanyahu. The court found "reasonable grounds" of criminal responsibility by Netanyahu and former Israeli defence minister Yoav Gallant for actions that include the war crime of starvation as a method of war in the massive offensive in Gaza following Hamas's unprecedented October 7, 2023 attack on Israel. Israel, alleging bias, has angrily rejected charges of war crimes as well as a separate allegation of genocide led by South Africa before the International Court of Justice. The two other judges, Luz del Carmen Ibanez Carranza of Peru and Solomy Balungi Bossa of Uganda, were part of the court proceedings that led to the authorization of an investigation into allegations that US forces committed war crimes during the war in Afghanistan. Return to hard line Neither the United States nor Israel is party to the Rome Statute that established the International Criminal Court. But almost all Western allies of the United States as well as Japan and South Korea, the vast majority of Latin America and much of Africa are parties to the statute and in theory are required to arrest suspects when they land on their soil. Trump in his first term already imposed sanctions on the then ICC chief prosecutor over the Afghanistan investigation. After Trump's defeat in 2020, then president Joe Biden took a more conciliatory approach to the court with case-by-case cooperation. Rubio's predecessor Antony Blinken rescinded the sanctions and, while critical of its stance on Israel, worked with the court in its investigation of Russia's invasion of Ukraine. ICC judges in 2023 issued an arrest warrant for Russian President Vladimir Putin over the alleged mass abduction of Ukrainian children during the war. Both Putin and Netanyahu have voiced defiance over the ICC pressure but have also looked to minimize time in countries that are party to the court. The ICC arrest warrants have been especially sensitive in Britain, a close US ally whose Prime Minister Keir Starmer is a former human rights lawyer. Downing Street has said that Britain will fulfil its "legal obligations" without explicitly saying if Netanyahu would be arrested if he visits. Hungary, led by Trump ally Viktor Orban, has parted ways with the rest of the European Union by moving to exit the international court. Orban thumbed his nose at the court by welcoming Netanyahu to visit in April. Agence France-Presse

DOWNLOAD THE APP

Get Started Now: Download the App

Ready to dive into a world of global content with local flavor? Download Daily8 app today from your preferred app store and start exploring.
app-storeplay-store