The real push education in India needs
What is the defining purpose of education? Is it to make more people literate, create economic resources for a country, skill its population, reduce unemployment, or more? Mahatma Gandhi once said, 'Literacy in itself is no education…By education I mean an all-round drawing out of the best in the child and man-body, mind and spirit.' In that vein, education can be viewed as necessary to create thoughtful citizens with the skills to navigate an ever-changing world, who can engage and negotiate with the instruments of democratic rule and create a more inclusive, sustainable future.
Today, the world is made increasingly uncertain by conflicts, climate change, and the unfettered growth of artificial intelligence. In these circumstances, education systems need to produce aware, young people with the skills necessary to solve the problems they are likely to face. Mechanical knowledge of subjects is no longer prized; it is the ability to put that knowledge to use that is viewed as important. The twin responsibilities of education systems, therefore, are to prepare young people for life and its challenges, and to ensure each young person learns effectively by providing them the opportunity to do so at their own pace.
Given this, where do we stand today? From a policy perspective, setting aside for a moment the political discussions under way in different parts of the country, the National Education Policy (NEP) 2020 provides a reasonable framework for progress—one that would help achieve the very goals mentioned. However, policy documents are one thing and practical implementation quite another—and it is in the latter that progress has been uneven, or we have often been found wanting.
First, let's look at the foundation. The latest Annual Status of Education Report notes an uptick in reading and mathematical abilities among schoolchildren after the government's emphasis on early learning. However, that uptick starts from a low base; with only 25-45 percent of children across grades able to read or do simple maths, we are still far from where we need to be. The Unified District Information System for Education report for 2023-24 shows that only 54 percent of all schools have access to the internet while only 50 percent have functional computers for students.
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Hindustan Times
3 hours ago
- Hindustan Times
How Indian democracy survived the Emergency
It was the summer of 1976. In Mainpuri, Uttar Pradesh, as dusk gave way to night, a gathering of people enjoyed a friendly chat at the bungalow of a prominent person in the town. Amidst the gathering, a frail man, his face partially obscured by a towel, arrived and prostrated at the host's feet. His body trembled like a dried, yellow leaf, his distress palpable. He was a washerman with a harrowing tale, from a village nearby. During the Emergency, the bureaucracy, hand in glove with the government, had turned alarmingly autocratic (HT Archive) Tears streaming down his face, he recounted how a minor altercation a few days ago had taken an unexpected turn. He believed the matter had been settled, but he had gravely underestimated the situation. The person with whom he had quarrelled had a relative who was a police sub-inspector. A few days later, a police team raided the washerman's home. The charge: 'Conspiring to uproot railway tracks with the aim of bringing about armed revolution.' He struggled even to pronounce these words, terms that were entirely alien to him just 48 hours ago. Fortunately, on the day of the purported incident, he visited a distant relative. Had he been home, he would have been apprehended and incarcerated for months under the infamous Maintenance of Internal Security Act (MISA). Surprisingly, those present at the bungalow that evening were initially sceptical. They assumed he was talking through his hat, taking everyone for a ride to avoid a minor inconvenience. However, his story proved chillingly true. After intervention from the district authorities, the matter was resolved. Yet, his case was a more common occurrence than people believed. During those dark days of Emergency, approximately 35,000 individuals were detained under MISA, and over 75,000 under the equally notorious Defence of India Rules (DIR). Millions more were arrested under various other laws, ranging from as young as nine to over 90 years of age. The detainees spanned the entire political spectrum, with the exception of the Congress and the Communist Party of India. What drove the Indian system to such extremes? During the Emergency, the bureaucracy, hand in glove with the government, had turned alarmingly autocratic. Despite the draconian measures, the initial days of the Emergency paradoxically brought a sense of order that many people welcomed. Trains began running on time. Buses adhered to strict schedules. Crime rates plummeted. Government employees were punctual, and the insidious practice of bribes to expedite files seemed to vanish. Classes in schools were conducted regularly, and street hooliganism largely disappeared. Vinoba Bhave, a close associate of Mahatma Gandhi, even lauded the Emergency as anushasan parv (era of discipline). Middle-aged and elderly people often remarked that it felt as if the time of the British Bahadur had returned, an era where 'sher aur bakri ek hi ghat se paani peete the' (the lion and the goat drank water from the same place), implying a return to strict but fair governance. It might seem astonishing to read this in 2025, but many at the time indeed considered such actions necessary. This week marks 50 years since the beginning of the so-called anushasan parv, and the memories of those days continue to stir me. Apparently, Indira Gandhi imposed the Emergency after the Allahabad High Court annulled her election. However, other darker forces were at play. In the 1971 general elections, she coined the slogan garibi hatao and fielded 442 Lok Sabha candidates, winning 352 seats. But she failed to eradicate garibi (poverty) and unemployment, and a disillusioned student community and labourers took to the streets to vent their frustration. A woman who was likened to Durga during the Bangladesh campaign was now seen as a failed ruler and the Emergency was the last gambit of a cornered Prime Minister. During this period, a campaign of nasbandi (forced sterilisation) was aggressively pursued, allegedly at the behest of her younger son, Sanjay Gandhi. It is widely alleged that this was an attempt to curb the growth of minority populations, with police reportedly raiding settlements of minorities and the vulnerable, forcing them into sterilisation. While isolated incidents may have occurred, I vividly recall family planning being promoted as a national campaign. Senior officials were given undeclared quotas, and they, in turn, pressured their subordinates, suggesting that those with three children should undergo sterilisation for their benefit. Tragedies such as the Turkman Gate demolitions unfolded in New Delhi. The government machinery, armed with bulldozers and a large police contingent, descended upon the Turkman Gate area in the name of beautification' When residents resisted, they were shot at, resulting in an undisclosed number of deaths and injuries. The government never released the exact figures, and the media, already muzzled, could not effectively report on it. During that time, many newspapers were forced to get pre-publication approval from the district administration for their content. Those were truly the dark days of the Indian Republic. Pupul Jayakar, Indira Gandhi's friend, later wrote in her book how even Indira was disturbed by these aberrations. She sought counsel from the philosopher J Krishnamurti, and it was only after this spiritual reflection that she decided to lift the Emergency and call for elections, according to Jayakar. The Congress lost the general elections in 1977, and the Janata Party won office. How Indira Gandhi later returned to power is another story, but 50 years on, while remembrance of those days brings regret, there is also immense pride that despite stumbling so badly, we Indians took the fall on our chin, brushed off the dirt and not only preserved our democracy but achieved new milestones of development over the following decades. We can all be proud of this enduring democratic and never-say-die spirit of our countrymen. Shashi Shekhar is editor-in-chief, Hindustan. The views expressed are personal
NDTV
6 hours ago
- NDTV
Directorate Of Education To Implement Age 6 Criteria For Class 1 Admissions
Age Six Criteria: The Directorate of Education (DoE), GNCT of Delhi has directed all the concerned authorities to implement the minimum age requirement of 6 years for Class 1 admissions starting from the academic session 2026-27, in alignment with the provisions of National Education Policy (NEP) 2020 and Right of Children to Free and Compulsory Education (RTE) Act, 2009. The foundational stage has also been restructured to include three years of pre-primary education before Class 1. The NEP 2020 replaced the 10 +2 structure with the 5+3+3+4 structure, reorganizing school education into four developmental stages: five years of the foundational stage, three years of the preparatory stage, three years of the middle stage and four years of the secondary stage. The DoE has instructed All the Heads of Government, Government-Aided, and Recognized Unaided Private Schools to implement the changes from the academic session 2026-27. The Foundational Stages of school education will be reorganized as per the NEP 2020 and include three years of pre-primary education before Class 1. Children will be admitted to Nursery (Bal Vatika/Preschool 1) at age 3, in Lower KG (Bal Vatika/Preschool 2) at age 4, and the last pre-primary level includes Upper KG (Bal Vatika/Preschool 3) for children aged 5. "A child may be admitted to Class I only upon completion of 6 years of age from Academic Session 2026-27 onwards" the official circular stated. To make the process more inclusive and participatory, all stakeholders - teachers, parents, students, School Management Committees, educational institutions, school associations, professionals, subject experts, scholars and members of the general public have been invited to share their suggestions before July 10, 2025.
India Gazette
7 hours ago
- India Gazette
BJP's Nishikant Dubey slams Rahul Gandhi over language debate:
New Delhi [India], June 22 (ANI): Bharatiya Janata Party leader Nishikant Dubey slammed Rahul Gandhi on Sunday, questioning the motives of the Congress leader to encourage learning English rather than local languages while also alluding to the 'hypocrisy' of opposing the National Education Police (NEP) 2020 for language choice stating that the 1986 NEP had similar goals. 'Rahul Gandhi ji your investigative advisor is hell bent on destroying you, this is the education policy of 1986 given by your father to the country, in this, your father is promising the country to promote Hindi, teach Sanskrit language and translate English into regional languages. This same education policy is almost in place now. Students should also grow with regional languages, changes in this have been made by Prime Minister Modi ji in 2020,' Dubey said in a post on X in Hindi. He said that while countries such as Russia, China, France, Germany, Japan and, Arab countries were 'proud of their language,' the former Congress president is proud of English 'like slaves.' 'Russia, China, France, Germany, Arab countries, Japan, Korea all are proud of their language and it is developed, why are you proud of English like slaves, we are proud of Santhali, Tamil, Telugu, Kannada, Bengali, Malayalam, Hindi, Sanskrit,' Dubey's post read. Dubey shared screenshots purportedly of the 1986 NEP, which stated 'the policy emphasises the adoption of regional languages as the media of instruction at the university stage; vigorous effort at implementation of the three language- formula; improvement in the linguistic competencies of students at different stages of education; provision of facilities for the study of English and other foreign languages; development of Hindi as the link of Sanskrit at the university stage...' Dubey's post was made in response to another post by Rahul Gandhi where he supported people, especially people from marginalised backgrounds, learning English. He said that learning the language could be a stepping stone to equality, more job opportunities, which is what the BJP-RSS does not want. 'It is not an English dam, it is a bridge. English is not shame, it is power. English is not a chain - it is a tool to break the chains. BJP-RSS don't want poor kids of India to learn English - because they don't want you to ask questions, move ahead, and become equal,' the Congress leader said in a post on X. While also highlighting that every language is useful and beautiful for its culture, knowledge, and soul, the party leader added, 'In today's world, English is as important as your mother tongue - because it will provide employment and boost your confidence. Every language of India has soul, culture, knowledge. We have to cherish them - and at the same time teach English to every child. This is the path to an India that competes with the world, that gives every child an equal opportunity.' The Congress leader's remarks were in response to Union Home Minister Amit Shah's remarks, where he said that the languages of India are 'ornaments of our culture,' and to understand the land's history, dharma cannot be done in foreign languages. The remarks by Shah was heavily objected to by multiple people, including by Tamil Nadu Minister Anbil Mahesh Poyyamozhi. (ANI)
