
DEI And Civil Rights Are Not The Same
In 1964, following tumultuous protests against racial segregation in the deep South, the bombing of Black churches in Birmingham, the dramatic march in Selma, and Martin Luther King's March on Washington, President Lyndon Johnson signed the Civil Rights Act. It stands as a major achievement for African-American civil rights following centuries of enslavement and oppression under Jim Crow segregation.
The Act required the removal of Whites Only signs, outlawed discrimination in hiring, and otherwise demanded the breakdown of legally sanctioned racial segregation in America. One section, Title 4, was reserved specifically for education. The Southern Education Foundation (SEF) worked to have that section included, advancing the Supreme Court's decision in Brown vs. Board of Education (1954) to allow African-Americans equal access to quality public education which they had previously been denied.
In enacting Title 4, Congress funded regional Desegregation Assistance Centers to provide school districts with technical support to dismantle the structures and practices that limited educational opportunities for generations of African-American students.
In 2022 SEF received an Education Department grant, authorized by Title 4, to direct the center for the southern region, which serves 11 states and the District of Columbia, comprising more than a third of the nation's public-school students and over 1 million students of color.
Earlier in 2016, the centers' name had been changed from Desegregation Assistance Centers to Equity Assistance Centers (EAC), no trivial change because, in February, the Trump administration falsely claimed that the work to help school districts comply with federal civil rights laws violated those very laws by focusing on diversity, equity, and inclusion (DEI) programs, and terminated funding of the centers.
I could not disagree more with this decision, or with its rationalization, which recklessly blurs the lines between civil rights enforcement and DEI. The EAC for the southern region has violated no law, and the centers are not DEI programs. These centers are authorized by Congressional mandate to uphold Title 4 of the Civil Rights Act, while DEI policies, however laudable, are not. The current administration either doesn't understand the difference or pretends not to, and SEF has filed a federal lawsuit to halt this assault on the 1964 Civil Rights Act.
Let's return to that name change, which reflects the Education Secretary's proposal to revise the program — 'revise' in this case meaning 'to remove the regulations that govern the State Educational Agency Desegregation (SEA) program, authorized under Title IV of the Civil Rights Act of 1964.'
Between the lines, this suggests that all the impediments to educational opportunity that historically were directed against African-Africans are now neatly addressed, that segregation practices no longer harm anyone. Changing 'Desegregation' to 'Equity' suggests that education inequalities plaguing Black students are so under control that federal funding designed to address these inequalities can be extended beyond the Congressional intent and into the expansive arena of DEI. This could not be more wrong. Vestiges of the practice of lawful segregation still harm Black students to this day.
It is important to note that desegregation did have its pros and cons. Education attainment levels soared for African-Americans during the nation's efforts at desegregation. Unfortunately, desegregation, or more precisely resistance to desegregation, caused the unsettling of many communities due to disinvestment, 'white flight' and divisive politics. It should also not be forgotten that thousands of Black teachers and administrators were wrongfully terminated during the desegregation processes. Nonetheless, better and more informed practices are available to address the continued presence of racially segregated and unequal public education.
As for those regulations, many would find it astonishing that in 2025, 132 U.S. school districts remain under federal desegregation orders, 130 of them in the South. It's not uncommon to see one side of a district receive funding for STEM courses, music programs, and technology, while Black students across town do not. Several of these districts have sought assistance from SEF in the past two years, underscoring the ongoing impact of racial segregation.
There is a grave inconsistency between these 132 open court orders and the termination of the very funding designed to address them. The Department of Education is wrong to label Title 4 of the 1964 Civil Rights Act as a DEI program, and much as I may admire some DEI policies, the Civil Rights Act's historic step toward desegregation did not have DEI as a goal. Confusing a congressional edict to end segregation with DEI policies that have no genesis in the Black Civil Rights movement to end Jim Crow is historically ignorant, disrespectful, and harmful to the urgent need to focus on resolving continuing racial inequalities in public education.
It is my hope that this lawsuit brings clarity to the conversation around the differences between civil rights and DEI. This issue deserves national attention because it requires us all to believe three essential truths, without which democracy cannot work for everyone.
Words matter. Facts matter. History matters.
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an hour ago
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Boston Globe
an hour ago
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‘Humanitarian rescue' of migrants, or the EU's dirty work?
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While the humanitarian ship tries to rescue migrants and take them to safety in Europe, the far faster, bigger, and more aggressive Libyan Coast Guard ships try to get to the migrants first so they can instead arrest them and return them to prisons in Libya. The EU has long denied playing an active role in this effort, but the reporters filmed drones operated by Frontex that are used to alert the Libyans to the exact location of migrant rafts. An aid worker on a MSF ship keeps an eye on a Libyan Coast Guard vessel cutting across their bow at high speed. Ed Ou//The Outlaw Ocean Project '[Frontex] has never engaged in any direct cooperation with Libyan authorities,' the Frontex press office said in a statement responding to requests for comment on the investigation. But a mounting body of evidence collected by European journalists and nongovernmental organizations suggests that Frontex's involvement with the Libyan authorities is neither accidental nor limited. In 2020, for instance, Aside from the EU role in helping Libya capture migrants at sea, the UN as well as humanitarian and human rights groups have roundly criticized European authorities for their role in creating and subsidizing a gulag of brutal migrant prisons in Libya. The EU has provided Libya with coast guard cutters, SUVs, and buses for moving captured migrants to prison. For the EU, the challenge of how best to handle desperate migrants fleeing hardships in their native countries will only grow in coming years. Climate change is expected to displace 150 million people across the globe in the next 50 years. Rising seas, desertification, and famine promise to drive desperate people to global north countries like the US and Europe, testing the moral character and political imagination of these wealthier nations. These factors were especially palpable for Aliou Candé, who grew up on a farm near the remote village of Sintchan Demba Gaira, Guinea-Bissau, a place without basic amenities like plumbing or electricity. Candé had a reputation as a dogged worker, who avoided trouble of any kind. 'People respected him,' his brother Jacaria said. In May 2021, journalists for The Outlaw Ocean Project reported from Libya, the Mediterranean, and Guinea Bissau to piece together the story of Aliou Candé. They spoke with friends, relatives, community leaders, and other prisoners held in cell four of Al Mabani to understand the circumstances leading up to his death. Critically, Candé's uncle had contacts for Candé's family back in Guinea-Bissau, and we were able to begin to put together a portrait. But the 28-year-old would become a climate migrant. Droughts in Guinea-Bissau had become more common and longer, flooding became more unpredictable and damaging, and Candé's crops — cassava, mangoes, and cashews — were failing and his children were going hungry. Milk production from his cows was so meager that his children were allowed to drink it just once a month. The shift in climate had brought more mosquitos, and with them more disease. He believed there was only one way to improve their conditions: to go to Europe. His brothers had done it. His family encouraged him to try. In the late summer of 2019, he set out for Europe with six hundred Euros. He told his wife he was not sure how long he'd be away, but he did his best to be optimistic. 'I love you,' he told her, 'and I'll be back.' In January 2020, he arrived in Morocco, where he tried to pay for a passage on a boat to Spain, but learned that the price was three thousand Euros, much more than he had. Candé then headed to Libya, where he could book a cheaper raft to Italy. In February 2021, he and more than a hundred other migrants pushed off from the Libyan shore aboard an inflatable rubber raft. After their boat was detected by the Libyan Coast Guard, the migrants were taken back to land, loaded by armed guards into buses and trucks, and driven to Al Mabani, which is Arabic for 'the buildings.' Candé was not charged with a crime or allowed to speak to a lawyer, and he was given no indication of how long he'd be detained. In his first days there, he kept mostly to himself, submitting to the grim routines of the place. The prison was controlled by a militia that euphemistically calls itself the Public Security Agency, and its gunmen patrolled the hallways. Cells were so crowded that the detainees had to sleep in shifts. In a special room, guards hung migrants upside from ceiling beams and beat them. In an audio message recorded on a hidden cell phone, Candé made a plea to his family to send the ransom for his release. In the early hours of April 8, 2021, he was shot to death when guards fired indiscriminately into a cellblock of detainees during a fight. His death went uninvestigated, his killer unpunished. Aliou Candé was buried in an overcrowded migrant cemetery in Tripoli, more than 2,000 miles from his family in Guinea-Bissau. Bir al-Osta Milad Cemetery where Aliou Candé and other dead migrants are buried. Pierre Kattar/The Outlaw Ocean Project One month after Candé's death, a team of four reporters from the Outlaw Ocean Project traveled to Libya to investigate. Almost no Western journalists are permitted to enter Libya, but, with the help of an international aid group, they were granted visas. Initially, Libyan officials said the team could visit Al Mabani, but after a week in Tripoli it became clear that this would not happen. So the journalists found a hidden spot on a side street, a half-mile from the detention center, and launched a small drone. The drone made it to the facility unnoticed, and captured close-ups of the prison's open courtyard. The team also interviewed dozens of migrants who had been imprisoned with Candé at the same detention center. A week into the investigation, the lead reporter, Ian Urbina, was speaking with his wife from his hotel room in Tripoli when he heard a knock at the door. Upon opening it, he was confronted by a dozen armed men who stormed into the room. He was immediately forced to the ground, a gun pressed to his forehead, and a hood placed over his head. What followed was a violent assault: The journalist sustained broken ribs, facial injuries, and internal trauma after being kicked repeatedly. Other members of the team — including an editor, photographer, and filmmaker — were also detained. The group was blindfolded, separated, and interrogated for hours at a time. Under Libyan law, authorities may detain foreign nationals indefinitely without formal charges. The US State Department became involved after the journalist's wife, who had heard the commotion over the phone, raised the alarm. American officials quickly identified the detaining authority and began negotiating for the team's release. After six days in custody, the team was unexpectedly told they were free to leave. No formal charges were filed and no official explanation for their detention was provided. They were lucky. The experience — deeply frightening but mercifully short — offered a glimpse into the world of indefinite detention in Libya. With no explanation from the government, fanfare by aid groups, nor coverage by domestic or foreign media, Al Mabani officially closed on January 13, 2022. In its roughly 12-month lifespan, the prison became emblematic of the unaccountable nature of Libya's broader detention system. The quiet shuttering of Al Mabani illustrates the ever-shifting nature of incarceration in Libya and how such transience makes protection of detainees nearly impossible. In the same month that Al Mabani was closed, the team behind the reporting presented details of their investigation to the European Parliament's human rights committee, and outlined the EU's extensive support for Libya's migration control apparatus. European Commission representatives took issue with the reporters' characterization of the crisis. 'We are not funding the war against migrants,' said Rosamaria Gili, the Libya country director at the European External Action Service. 'We are trying to instill a culture of human rights.' And yet, just a week later, Henrike Trautmann, a representative of the European Commission, told lawmakers that the EU was going to provide five more vessels to the Libyan Coast Guard to bolster its ability to intercept migrants on the high seas. A small wooden boat packed with refugees waving and smiling with elation after being found by MSF aid workers. Ed Ou//The Outlaw Ocean Project 'We know the Libyan context is far from optimal for this,' Trautmann conceded. 'We think it's still preferable to continue to support this than to leave them to their own devices.' Meanwhile, the flow of migrants across the Mediterranean continues. At least two thousand migrants died in 2024 while making this perilous passage, according to the UN, and, during the same period, the Libyan Coast Guard captured an additional twenty thousand that were brought back to prisons like Al Mabani in and around Tripoli. In February of this year, Libyan authorities held a training exercise with the EU border officials. The Trump administration has also taken note: In May, The status of both of those plans remains unclear.