US court orders convicted ‘super cop', wife to pay Mexico US$2.4b in corruption case penalty
MEXICO CITY, May 23 — A US court yesterday ordered a former Mexican security chief convicted of drug trafficking and his wife to pay more than US$2.4 billion (RM10.2 billion) to their country, Mexico's government said.
Mexico sued Genaro Garcia Luna, who is imprisoned in the United States, for alleged corruption and money laundering involving dozens of public contracts.
The ruling is the latest twist in the saga of the former high-flying minister who earned himself the nickname of 'supercop' but instead aided and abetted drug traffickers.
The money awarded by a Florida court is three times the amount that the Mexican government had originally sought, a government statement said.
It said Garcia Luna was ordered to pay nearly US$749 million and his wife Linda Cristina Pereyra is to pay a staggering US$1.74 billion.
'The judgment is consistent with seven guilty verdicts previously issued and enforced against Garcia Luna, his wife, and his five companies as a result of their failure to appear at trial,' the statement added.
It said that nearly US$3 million had already been recovered from assets, including a company owned by the couple, as well as real estate.
Garcia Luna, 56, was convicted by a US court in 2023 of taking millions of dollars in bribes to allow the Sinaloa Cartel to smuggle tons of cocaine.
A New York judge sentenced him to more than 38 years in prison and a US$2 million fine.
Garcia Luna, who held high-ranking security positions in his country from 2001 until 2012, was the highest-ranking Mexican government figure ever to face trial in the United States.
He served as chief of the Mexican equivalent of the FBI from 2001 until 2006, when he was elevated to secretary of public security, essentially running the federal police force and most counter-drug operations.
Garcia Luna is considered an architect of the US-backed war on drugs launched in 2006 by Mexico's then president Felipe Calderon.
In 2012, after retiring from public service, he moved to the United States and used his extensive contacts to win lucrative contracts with the Mexican government.
He was arrested in December 2019 in Dallas, Texas.
The Mexican government accused a business conglomerate belonging to Garcia Luna's family of obtaining 30 public contracts and obtaining funds totaling more than US$745 million.
Mexico's Financial Intelligence Unit alleged that the money was transferred abroad through the use of tax havens and the acquisition of property and other assets in Florida. — AFP
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Malay Mail
a day ago
- Malay Mail
From reformers to rulers: Why today's revolutionaries become tomorrow's tyrants — Khoo Ying Hooi
JUNE 22 — It is one of the most tragic paradoxes in political history: yesterday's reformists become today's authoritarians. From liberation leaders turned autocrats to anti-corruption crusaders accused of graft, the world has witnessed the slow unravelling of revolutionary promises across continents. The trajectory from idealism to authoritarianism is neither linear nor inevitable, but it is disturbingly familiar. The political phenomenon whereby reformists, the leaders who ascend to power on the back of democratic, anti-corruption, or people-driven agendas, later turn corrupt or dictatorial, is not simply a question of individual moral failing. Rather, it is a complex interplay of structural incentives, institutional fragilities, elite consolidation, and the psychology of power. The seeds of authoritarianism in reformist soil To begin with, we must confront the uncomfortable truth that authoritarian tendencies often incubate within reformist movements themselves. The charismatic leader model, so frequently used to mobilise people against entrenched power, relies heavily on personal loyalty rather than institutional checks and balances. In the absence of strong institutions, this can easily morph into a cult of personality. Consider the case of Robert Mugabe in Zimbabwe. Hailed as a liberation hero who overthrew white-minority rule, Mugabe was celebrated for his revolutionary credentials and promise of black empowerment. But as he consolidated power, he dismantled opposition, eroded judicial independence, and presided over economic collapse and violent repression. The logic of liberation transformed into the logic of regime survival. Mugabe's descent was not unique. Yoweri Museveni of Uganda, Daniel Ortega of Nicaragua, and Isaias Afwerki of Eritrea all began as reformist or revolutionary figures. Their subsequent authoritarianism cannot be explained by personal greed alone. As political scientists such as Steven Levitsky and Lucan Way argue in Competitive Authoritarianism (2010), it is the erosion of institutional constraints and the normalisation of electoral manipulation that pave the road to autocracy. The corrupting allure of power Even in more democratic environments, reformists are not immune to the intoxicating effects of power. Lord Acton's proverb that 'power tends to corrupt, and absolute power corrupts absolutely' may sound clichéd, but its psychological underpinnings are increasingly backed by research. Studies in political psychology show that those in power often develop a sense of exceptionalism. The very same leaders who once fought for transparency may begin to believe they are indispensable. This moral licensing allows them to rationalise unethical actions in the name of political stability, national interest, or legacy. Take Nawaz Sharif in Pakistan. Once seen as a reformer challenging military dominance, his political career became mired in corruption allegations, including the infamous Panama Papers scandal that led to his disqualification. It is important to note that these were not abrupt transformations. Rather, they were gradual erosions of moral clarity, facilitated by the mechanisms of political expediency and elite accommodation. As reformists become part of the very political elite they once opposed, they often absorb its logic, including its patterns of patronage, clientelism, and suppression of dissent. Institutional weakness as a risk multiplier In electoral democracies, the story is more subtle but no less troubling. Here, the temptation to centralise power often comes under the guise of efficiency, anti-corruption, or political necessity. Leaders justify bypassing due process because existing institutions are 'too slow', 'too corrupt', or 'captured'. Narendra Modi of India exemplifies this trajectory. Initially presented as a clean, development-oriented reformer who would modernise Indian governance, Modi has centralised power, weakened independent institutions, and promoted a majoritarian nationalism that sidelines minorities and dissenters. The investigative agencies and judiciary once seen as institutional checks have been accused of being politically co-opted. Even in supposedly advanced democracies, Donald Trump's presidency in the United States showed how a leader with an anti-establishment image can turn democratic institutions into tools of personal power. His relentless attacks on the press, judiciary, and electoral integrity exposed how vulnerable democracies can be to illiberal impulses even in countries with deep institutional roots. The point is not to conflate all these leaders, but to recognise the pattern: when reformist legitimacy is converted into personalistic power, it hollows out the very institutions needed to sustain democracy. Pakistan Peoples Party (PPP) activists hold an effigy of India's Prime Minister Narendra Modi during an anti-India protest in Larkana, Sindh province, on May 8, 2025. — AFP pic Corruption of mission and movement Perhaps the most tragic casualties in this transformation are the movements themselves. Reformist leaders often emerge from broad-based coalitions: social movements, civil society organisations, or revolutionary alliances. Once in power, however, these coalitions tend to fragment, as patronage replaces participation and disillusionment sets in. In Malaysia, the Reformasi movement led by Datuk Seri Anwar Ibrahim galvanised a generation seeking justice, accountability, and good governance. Yet, as his coalition navigated the complexities of power-sharing after 2018 and returned to power in 2022, critics argue that the reformist energy has dulled. Institutional inertia, political compromises, and internal rivalries have stalled key reforms. Anwar himself has faced increasing criticism for concentrating power, curbing dissent, and relying on former adversaries to stay in office. The lesson here is that reform movements without internal democracy and renewal mechanisms risk becoming the very structures they once sought to dismantle. Political parties that evolve from movements like PKR in Malaysia or the ANC in South Africa often find themselves co-opted by state machinery and elite interests unless they maintain strong links to grassroots constituencies. The role of civil society and independent institutions So how can reformist leaders avoid this fate? The answer lies in depersonalising reform and institutionalising accountability. Civil society, independent media, and autonomous institutions are not just democratic ornaments; they are essential buffers against democratic decay. Consider Chile after Pinochet, where democratic transition was accompanied by deep institutional reforms and robust civil society engagement. While imperfect, Chile's post-authoritarian political order was structured to prevent over-concentration of power and maintain horizontal accountability. Similarly, Tunisia's post-Arab Spring experience, although facing setbacks, offers a glimpse into how transitional justice mechanisms, independent electoral commissions, and inclusive dialogue platforms can embed reformist principles into governance structures. Contrast this with Ethiopia, where Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed, initially celebrated for liberal reforms and peace with Eritrea, later oversaw brutal crackdowns during the Tigray conflict. The lack of institutional constraints allowed military and security forces to act with impunity, demonstrating that charisma without institutional discipline is a recipe for disaster. Reforming the reformers Ultimately, reform must be a process, not a personality. Leaders who promise change must be willing to be limited by law, challenged by the press, and criticised by the public. They must foster a culture of self-limitation, a rare quality in politics, but a necessary one for democratic integrity. For reformists to remain true to their mission, three conditions are crucial. First is institutional humility, by acknowledging that no leader or movement can substitute for the hard work of building systems. Second is internal accountability, by allowing dissent within the party or movement and avoiding the monopolisation of moral authority. Third is civic empowerment, by investing in the long-term strengthening of civil society and ensuring the autonomy of watchdog institutions. To quote Ernesto Laclau, populist reformers often emerge by constructing a political frontier between 'the people' and 'the elite'. But once in power, if they fail to dismantle the structures of exclusion and inequality, they risk merely reproducing elite rule in a new form. Power as a test of conviction Power is the crucible in which reformist convictions are tested. Some leaders rise to the challenge, like Uruguay's José Mujica, who remained frugal and principled during his presidency. Others fail, seduced by the very trappings of power they once denounced. The story of reformists turning corrupt is not a cautionary tale to dismiss all who promise change. It is a reminder that democracy is not built by personalities, but by institutions, accountability, and civic engagement. Reformers must therefore reform themselves or risk becoming the next chapter in the long history of broken promises. * Khoo Ying Hooi, PhD is an associate professor at Universiti Malaya. * This is the personal opinion of the writer or publication and does not necessarily represent the views of Malay Mail.
Malay Mail
a day ago
- Malay Mail
The vanilla farm that's saving lives: Inside Malaysia's revolutionary ‘halfway farm' for former death row inmates
KUALA LUMPUR, June 22 — Just a year ago, Henry Wong, was staring down at a death sentence. He was convicted for drug trafficking and at the time he did not see a way out from behind prison bars. Today, Wong is an intern at Vanilla Impact Story (VIS) Sdn Bhd — a vanilla 'halfway farm' that was created by co-founder Alfred Phua. 'Before my release, I was told that I could be sent to do farming. 'I wasn't sure what it was, but I wanted to try it, I want to change my life, start over,' Wong told Malay Mail in an interview here. On July 4, 2023, Malaysia's mandatory capital punishment was abolished. This gave Wong and other death row inmates a chance to appeal for resentencing which included commuting their death sentence to prison terms. After serving five years in prison, the 32-year-old was released and was offered a placement at VIS. It has been nine months since he was released from prison. 'It was very tough in the beginning, because I had no experience in farming, but now I have learned so much,' Wong said. Turning a new leaf Phua who has years of experience working with troubled youths, said these youths need more than just counselling — they need help to return to the society. 'You can kick the drug using habit, but to integrate them back to the society is difficult. For them to find a job is hard. 'We work with the Prisons Department in Sibu, Sarawak and drug rehab centres and receive recommendation of releases — meaning they've finished the programme, but where do they go?' Phua said. What is a halfway farm So Phua and his business partner created a halfway farm, they employed some of the prison releases to work in the farm as a community. 'Our intern, he (Wong) is one them — he was involved in drug trafficking with his friends — four of them faced the death sentence — and was waiting for his time. Alfred Phua tends to the vanilla plants. Phua, who has years of experience working with troubled youths, said these youths need more than just counselling — they need help to return to the society. — Picture courtesy of Yayasan Hasanah 'But he turned around last year. We took him and sent him to the vanilla farm in Permatang Pauh, Penang,' Phua said. Going by the his own 3Rs — rehabilitating, reconnecting (back to the society) and reconstructing their lives — Phua said by following this, he hopes to train more youths to pick up farming, in this context, cultivating vanilla. 'My dream is for him not just to work here, but to be a business partner — an agripreneur who can eventually train others. 'He's 32 now, and hopefully one day the younger ones will in future take over the work that we've started,' Phua said. It is rare to find halfway farms, Phua said, and different from halfway houses that are in the city because in cities there are still temptations. 'My Sibu partner serves as councillor so it is through his contacts we receive our workers who used to be in prison. 'We don't take everybody. Because some of them have seen big money, so farming is still tough for them. 'Out of the four, only Wong had decided that he wants to change his life,' he said. Phua admitted that it is a tough battle with drug use, especially modern drugs as it affects a person's mental health severely. 'Now with modern drugs, they are gone in one or two years. In the past, I've dealt with heroin and opium users, they take it their whole life but they are still alive, but for Wong, he can maintain his sanity and that's a miracle. 'Kicking the drug is not a big issue, but rehabilitating them back into society and their family is hard and they already suffer very low self-esteem and social stigma,' he added. Working as a social worker for the last 35 years, Phua had always touched base with the grassroots community — the bottom 40 income group, the poor and the marginalised. 'But because of the needs of the poor and marginalised are mainly in the rural areas and among urban poor, we started this natural farming programme,' said Phua. Reaching out to others Wong grew up being disgruntled and unhappy with his life: his parents were divorced and everyone around him had made fun of him. He was brought up by his grandmother, and according to Wong, there was no one that guided him in his life. Henry Wong, trainee for vanilla cultivation farming speaks during an interview with Malay Mail in Kuala Lumpur May 22, 2025. — Picture by Yusof Mat Isa 'I stopped going to school because my classmates were making fun of my parents, I really hated my parents for bringing me into this world at the time. Thinking about this led me to the drug world. 'I really hate myself for what I did. But I'm at peace now that I have a second shot at life. I'm very thankful that Alfred gave me this opportunity to start a new life. 'Yes, back then, I had a lot of money, I could basically buy anything I wanted but I was living in fear that one day I would be arrested, and then it happened,' Wong said. In 2024, Home Minister Datuk Seri Saifuddin Nasution Ismail proposed that drug abusers be sent for rehabilitation instead of serving prison sentences. According to Saifuddin, the amendment to the Drug Addicts (Treatment and Rehabilitation) Act 1983 aims to give drug users a second chance and help ease overcrowding in the country's 41 prisons — particularly for those jailed solely for drug use. The amendments also take into account cases involving drug misuse, where the standard procedure involves arrest, a police investigation, and, upon sufficient evidence, prosecution and sentencing in court. Under the new law, individuals who test positive for narcotics will be placed in treatment or rehabilitation programmes run by the National Anti-Drugs Agency (AADK) or private drug rehabilitation centres. The main aim of the new law is to shift from punitive measures to a diversion policy focused on rehabilitation. On July 18, 2024, after the Drug Dependents (Treatment and Rehabilitation) Act amendments were reviewed by the Parliamentary Special Select Committee, it was passed in Parliament.
Malay Mail
2 days ago
- Malay Mail
AGC denies ‘flawed prosecution' claims after Najib's DNAA in second SRC case, delays due to overlapping cases
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