
OPINION: It's high time Germany scrapped the rent brake
As Bundestag debates the planned
second extension of
Mietpreisbremse
rent controls until 2029
and is almost certain to pass it, I have a question: isn't it actually high time we got rid of the 'rent brake'?
Your first reaction – especially if you are one of the 50 percent of German households living in rental accommodation – might be to ask back: scrap legislation intended to limit rent price increases at a time when rents are shooting up? What are you, nuts?
To which I would answer: rents have been shooting up ever since German cities were given the option of putting controls in place ten years ago.
They've risen by almost 40 percent in my part of Hamburg, for instance, as
this interactive infographic map illustrates
, and
Berlin is another story altogether
…
But surely, you might object, without the
Mietpreisbremse
, these rises would have been even worse? That can't be proved either way. After observing Germany's
increasingly dysfunctional
housing market
for almost two decades now, however, I'd say: probably not. In fact, my creeping suspicion is that rent controls are ineffectual at best and, at worst, may actually be contributing to rises.
Wait, so you think the
Mietpreisbremse
is making rents higher now…? No, please: hear me out!
Ineffective on its own terms
First off, experts agree that, even on its own terms, the
Mietpreisbremse
is ineffective – that's why those in favour of it usually also argue that it needs to be more stringent.
In their current form, controls only apply to new rental contracts, and come with enough loopholes and exceptions that any landlord looking for one will find a semi-legal workaround.
The easiest option is to either limit the length of the rental contract to less than one year or to part-furnish the letting – which has led to a market where unscrupulous operators are now demanding top-dollar for sticking a flat-pack wardrobe in the bedroom and then coming back for more a year later when the contract needs to be renewed.
READ ALSO:
Four scams to be aware of while navigating Germany's rental market
Theoretically, this shouldn't be happening, of course. In Germany's tenant-friendly housing law, leases can only be time-limited if there is good reason – e.g. if the renter needs a short-term let for professional reasons – and any furnishings need to be high-value enough to warrant higher prices.
Advertisement
Yet for legal protections to apply, tenants have to know – and exercise – their rights. And as
my colleague Paul Krantz has explained
, even in simpler cases where the rent has been set too high on a standard lease, many who could challenge it do not – for lack of understanding, lack of time and energy, or lack of confidence confronting a potentially Scrooge-like landlord.
A man hangs up his keys in a Berlin apartment. Photo: picture alliance/dpa/dpa-Zentralbild | Kira Hofmann
Then there are the grey areas where well-meaning letters can easily end up unintentionally contravening the
Mietpreisbremse
. Under the rule, rents should not exceed a local average price by more than ten percent in tight housing market areas. But local rental averages are determined in rent price indexs –
Mietenspiegel
– which themselves are for more complicated than many assume: this is Germany, after all.
In Hamburg, for example,
figures are declined in a detailed table
according to the specific location of buildings and when they were completed, leaving ranges of between €3 and €5 per square metre to take account of amenities such as balconies, bathtubs, and bicycle cellars…
What is more, the
Mietpreisbremse
doesn't apply when significant works have been carried out prior to letting: but what does 'significant' actually mean? You might not be surprised to learn that, in cases which have gone to court, complicated formulae have been applied and a range of factors taken into account…
The upshot is now that, to be sure of being able to make back money invested, law-abiding landlords are now likely to have more work done than might be strictly necessary (and then need to set rent even higher to recoup the extra costs…). Others, meanwhile, simply do the place up on the cheap and hope that tenants never challenge them to show their receipts.
Setting the wrong incentives
Why wouldn't they try? After all, once they are out of
Mietpreisbremse
territory, the sky is the limit – so the clear incentive for landlords is to look for any way to get an apartment out of regulatory purview and then set rent at market rates. Or, simply, to invest in new-builds, which are wholly exempt from rental controls – and rarely available for under €20 per square metre.
Advertisement
In this way, the
Mietpreisbremse
is entrenching a two-speed rental market where high-earning tenants with good credit records have their pick of snazzy new-builds and souped-up
Altbau
flats while those lower down the socio-economic scale are left fighting for increasingly pricey scraps.
As I've written before, it's a
trust issue
: anyone with a flat to let is now acutely aware that its rental value is capped even as inflation, wages, and market values aren't. So increasingly, landlords max out the 10% the
Mietpreisbremse
allows – and then make use of all legal options to keep upping the rent.
That is one reason so many new rentals are now using the unloved
Staffelmiete
(defined raises every year) and
Indexmiete
inflation-linked contracts, which allow for increases of 15 or 20 percent in a three-year period.
Previously, it was standard practice –
especially among ethically-minded private owners
– to issue standard contracts and leave rents more or less untouched for sitting tenants before upping them on re-letting. Now, as rents continue to soar but the
Mietpreisbremse
limits raises, many private landlords are, perversely, having to hike rents in existing leases to avoid trouble with the
Finanzamt
further down the line: not charging market rates is, of course, considered a form of tax avoidance. These in-tenancy rises then drag up the averages on which the 10 percent maximum is calculated, and so the 'rent brake' is being applied at the same time as the price accelerator.
Advertisement
Overly-complex – and potentially unconstitutional
This reveals the fundamental problem with rental controls. Like it or not, Germany's rental market is just that – a market. Yet by selling off swathes of social housing stock over recent decades, many major cities have deprived themselves of the best means of slowing price rises in this market -- offering affordable rental accommodation to those who need it.
Instead, they now find themselves shelling out huge sums in housing benefit –
Wohngeld
– to low-income households and hoping that middle-income tenants have the gumption and courage to apply the complicated
Mietpreisbremse
themselves. All of this, meanwhile, puts the majority of well-meaning landlords at a disadvantage and encourages those with the ways and means to maximise revenue (or to simply ignore the system). No wonder rents are going up faster than ever.
A view of flats in Hamburg. Photo: picture alliance/dpa | Daniel Bockwoldt
So for me, it's simple: the
Mietpreisbremse
should be scrapped. Even in this market, asking rents currently can't go much higher –
prospective tenants can no longer afford them on their wages
– and there is every reason to suspect that the legislation may actually have pushed prices to this point faster than would otherwise have been the case. This, in turn, is contributing to stasis
as people are forced to stay put and make do
, with vacancies in most cities
far below the 1 percent generally considered the minimum necessary
for a functioning rental market.
What is more, the
Mietpreisbremse
will eventually become unconstitutional: in our market economy, the state is not allowed to use price-fixing legislation to force a lasting devaluation of assets.
Advertisement
Thus far, Karlsruhe has accepted the rent controls because they are temporary, being implemented for defined periods of time. Yet when this planned extension reaches its term in 2029, the measures will have been in place for almost 15 years – making them 'temporary' in the same way that the exceptionally ugly shelving unit I 'temporarily' put in my hallway when we moved in 2010 is still 'temporary' one-and-a-half decades on.
Mercifully, we haven't had our rent raised since then. Then again, we moved in before the
Mietpreisbremse
and paid top-whack in the first few years.
That's how things used to work. Our newer neighbours, however, all seem to get regular rent increases. Call me crazy, but…

Try Our AI Features
Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:
Comments
No comments yet...
Related Articles


Local Germany
11 hours ago
- Local Germany
Survey shows majority of Germans in favour of return to conscription
A total of 54 percent of those polled by research institute YouGov for the German Press Agency (DPA) advocated for reinstating compulsory military service in Germany. Thirty-six percent support conscription for both men and women, while 18 percent thought that only men should be called up, as was the case in the past. Only 40 percent of the 2,212 responders believed that military service should remain voluntary. Six percent did not provide an answer. READ ALSO: German military sees Russia as 'existential risk' to Germany and Europe: report Compulsory military service in Germany was suspended after 55 years in 2011 by the then CDU/CSU and FDP coalition government because the "permanently changed security and defence policy situation" at that time could no longer justify the encroachment on people's fundamental rights. However, in light of the growing threat from Russia, conscription is once again a hot topic. Conscription for men is still enshrined in the country's basic law ( Grundgesetz ), but for this to be extended to women by way of an amendment, a two-thirds majority would be needed. This means the CDU-SPD coalition would need the approval of the Greens and the Left Party. However, the Left Party is fundamentally opposed to conscription. READ ALSO: German army struggles for fresh recruits as conscription threat grows Sixty-eight percent of CDU and CSU voters are in favour of reintroducing conscription, according to a YouGov survey. Among SPD voters, it's 64 percent, 55 percent of AfD supporters and 51 percent of Green Party voters. But a majority of Left Party voters oppose compulsory military service – 69 percent support maintaining voluntary military service. Perhaps unsurprisingly, older people are more likely to be in favour of conscription, the survey results showed. Advertisement Only one in three (35 percent) in the 18-29 age group support it, but two-thirds of respondents over 70 (66 percent) are in favour. In their coalition agreement, the CDU and SPD agreed on military service "that is initially based on voluntary service." But defence minister Boris Pistorius later stated that the Bundeswehr needed to be expanded by 50,000 to 60,000 soldiers to meet the growing threat from Russia. Currently, there are just over 180,000. READ ALSO: Germany 'has three years' to overhaul military The CDU/CSU is now pushing for its coalition partner, the SPD, to make a quick decision on whether this troop strength can be achieved through voluntary military service alone. "We don't have time to wait until doomsday," said Chancellor's Office Chief Thorsten Frei in an interview with the German Press Agency. The CDU-SPD coalition must make a clear agreement "on when we need to change our strategy so that we can achieve the goal that everyone recognises as necessary."


DW
13 hours ago
- DW
East German cities offer free stays to fight depopulation – DW – 06/21/2025
Towns and cities in eastern German states are inviting people to come and stay in the hope of encouraging more people to move there long-term. "There's no problem finding affordable accommodation, there are no traffic jams, there's no rush hour, and I've never had trouble finding a parking space," beams Anika Franze from behind her desk in the center of the small city of Guben. The 38-year-old was born in East Berlin in the former German Democratic Republic and lived most of her life before and after the fall of the Wall in the same district of the capital. But she says the hustle and bustle, a sense of helplessness about growing inequality, not to mention the dire housing situation, long made her want to leave. Driving through Brandenburg with only local radio for company, she heard about a "trial living" ("Probewohnen") scheme offering people the chance to stay for up to four weeks free of charge in Guben on Germany's far eastern border with Poland. The idea was to encourage more people to come and settle in the city to help fight depopulation. Franze has lived here for eight months and now manages the project that first brought her to the city. Here she can afford to rent a 100-square-meter, split-level apartment with a walk-in wardrobe for less than she would pay for a room in one of Berlin's less desirable flat shares. "It's always quiet here, there's no noise pollution, there's less litter on the streets, and you always run into people you know, which I find quite nice," she explains on a whistlestop tour of the city that includes a quick trip across the river to eat fancy cake in a Polish café. Thirty people took part in the scheme in Guben last year and six of those moved here for the long-term. Franze says more followed as a result of the press coverage. Similar projects have also been launched in nearby towns in the Lusatia region, including Frankfurt (Oder), and most recently in Eisenhüttenstadt, originally called Stalinstadt, the first planned socialist model city built in the GDR. Guben is just one of hundreds of industrial towns and cities in the former East that underwent major demographic changes after German reunification in 1990. Declining birth rates, the emigration of predominately young people to western federal states and rising life expectancy have accelerated demographic aging here. There are currently 16,600 people living in the Guben, down by almost half from 29,100 in 1995. That number is expected to decline by a further 16% in the decade up to 2030, with an estimated 27% decrease in the working-age population. The median age is currently 58 and rising. "We're missing an entire generation," the city's mayor, Fred Mahro, told Berlin's TAZ newspaper when the scheme first launched. Last fall, the Bertelsmann Stiftung, an independent civil society foundation, published a study that found Germany would continue to be reliant on migration to cover its forecast labor market demand. Furthermore, due to the comparable demographic situation in other European states, migration would have to come from countries outside of the EU. To view this video please enable JavaScript, and consider upgrading to a web browser that supports HTML5 video "From an economic perspective, we need to ensure that locations remain attractive, that incentives are created for businesses to settle there, but it's about much more than that, for example, a welcoming culture and social interaction," says Susanne Schultz, an expert on migration policy at the Bertelsmann Stiftung. Schultz points to research published by the Institute for Employment at the Federal Employment Agency last week showing that just over a quarter of people born abroad and who immigrated to Germany between the ages of 18 and 65 considered leaving the country last year. Two-thirds of those surveyed cited discrimination as a reason to leave; one third said they do not feel welcome or only slightly welcome. The rhetoric and policies on the issue of migration, for example the recent move to stop the families of certain groups of immigrants from moving to Germany, are sending out the wrong signals, according to Schultz. "Dissatisfaction with politics was one of the main reasons, and I think a lot of that has to do with developments over the last one and half years — the mood has really changed in Germany," she told DW, adding that a multi-pronged approach was needed to help people to integrate both socially and economically. In the struggle to attract new residents, Germany's eastern states also have an image problem as hotbeds for right-wing extremism to contend with. Guben made headlines in 1999 when an Algerian asylum seeker, Farid Guendoul, bled to death after being hounded by neo-Nazis. Just under 42% of local residents voted for the far-right Alternative for Germany party (AfD) in the February 2025 federal elections. The AfD is known for its harsh anti-immigrant rhetoric. It has been classified as "right-wing extremist" by Germany's domestic intelligence agency, though the agency will refrain from using the term until a court ruling has been issued. Franze says the numbers do not reflect day-to-day life in the city and is frustrated by the focus on the AfD when almost 60% of people here voted for moderate or liberal parties. "People have their prejudices and clichés, but in my experience, you can still connect with people, they just maybe need a bit of time because they're not used to much diversity," the German woman explains. "I wouldn't imagine it being any different in any other small European town." Now in its second year, the scheme in Guben has received 40 applications from all over Germany, as well as Belgium, Algeria, Egypt and Brazil. Successful applicants will be housed in newly renovated apartments for a contribution of just €100 ($115). There is also the opportunity to take part in weekly social gatherings with the residents, make an artistic contribution to the city in cooperation with a local museum and do an internship at a local company. Guben was once famous for its textile industry and millinery: the first weatherproof wool felt hats were manufactured here, and a synthetic fiber factory, opened in 1960, was the largest employer in the district for a long time. Investment from the European Union and the German government is now being pumped into the Lusatia region as lignite, also known as brown coal, mining is phased out as part of the switch to a carbon-neutral economy. Franze says there are currently around 300 job vacancies waiting to be filled. The US-owned salami manufacturer BiFi opened a factory here in 2024, bakery chain Dreissig has a production site here, and Canadian lithium battery producer Rock Tech is opening a plant the size of 17 soccer pitches. Right now, Franze is enjoying a life that is somehow just a bit more manageable than in the sprawling German capital, and has fulfilled a childhood dream of learning to ride horses. "I don't know if I want to get old here, but I don't know if I'd want to do that in Berlin either," she you're here: Every Tuesday, DW editors round up what is happening in German politics and society. You can sign up here for the weekly email newsletter, Berlin Briefing.


Local Germany
17 hours ago
- Local Germany
German military sees Russia as 'existential risk' to Germany and Europe: report
The Kremlin is "specifically aligning both its industry and leadership structures with the requirements of a large-scale conflict against NATO by the end of this decade," the news magazine wrote on Friday , quoting from the paper. Russia has strengthened forces in particular along NATO borders in western Russia and could have around 1.5 million soldiers on active duty by 2026, Spiegel reported, citing the paper. The report warns that Germany can only counter the threat by consistently developing its military and societal capabilities. The strategy paper was developed by military personnel and experts as a guideline for the future direction of Germnay's military, Spiegel said. In May, German Chancellor Friedrich Merz surprised NATO allies by signalling plans to massively boost defence spending to five percent of GDP as demanded by US President Donald Trump. The spending hike is possible as Merz's coalition government secured major financial firepower – an easing of debt rules and approval for hundreds of billions in extra funding for defence and infrastructure.