
The Sudanese Economy: Between the Devastation of War and the Myth of Production
The Sudanese Economy: Between the Devastation of War and the Myth of Production
Omer Sidahmed
April 2025
Email: [email protected]
'Sudan's agricultural production during the war has surpassed production levels in years of peace' – A statement attributed to the Minister of Finance in the de facto government, Jibril Ibrahim, and publishedby 'Al Arabiya Sudan' on April 24, 2025, has sparked widespread controversy. As the war enters its third year, Sudan is living through one of the worst chapters in its history: economic devastation and the collapse of essential services. The reality on the ground refutes these claims.
Jibril Ibrahim is not merely an acting finance minister; he is a militia leader, a prominent Islamist figure, and a longtime ally of the National Congress Party, which ruled Sudan for three decades with authoritarianism and corruption before being overthrown by the December Revolution. Today, he is reviving the same old project: a kidnapped state, plundered resources, and political propaganda disconnected from reality.
**Agriculture in Sudan has never been merely an economic sector; it is the main source of livelihood for 70% of the population. Today, however, it is besieged by war:**
– Most agricultural production areas are located within active military operation zones.
– Fuel, fertilizer, seeds, and financing are absent.
– Farmers have been displaced, or their projects have halted due to lack of security.
– There is no official data or field reporting to support government statements.
Who, then, is planting and harvesting in a country where villages are bombed and supply lines are cut?
According to the general manager of one of the major banks, the percentage of bad debts in Sudan has reached 50%. The banking system, already fragile, has grown even weaker due to the war and the swelling of the parallel economy, with 95% of the cash supply existing outside the banks. There is no banking capacity to finance agricultural or industrial production, which exposes the claims of economic growth as baseless.
Sudan's current economy is managed by a network of alliances among remnants of the National Congress Party and military militias. There is no budget, no accountability, and no transparency:
– Gold is smuggled through parallel airports.
– Revenues are spent outside the official budget framework.
– Resources are allocated to fund the war.
– Institutions are used to suppress revolutionaries and the revolution.
– More than 13 million children are in urgent need of support (UNICEF).
– 70% of health facilities are destroyed or out of service (World Health Organization, 2024).
– Electricity and water are unavailable in vast parts of the country.
– More than 20 million people are suffering from hunger and food insecurity (World Food Programme, 2024).
– GDP has contracted by 18% (World Bank, 2023).
– 60% of industrial activity has ceased.
– Poverty levels have exceeded 65%.
– Agricultural exports have declined significantly.
This statement is not a slip of the tongue, but rather an attempt to falsify reality and justify the war. Sudan needs to dismantle the war economy and build a peace-driven economy under a transparent civilian state that serves its citizens, not misleads them.
References
– Statement by Jibril Ibrahim, 'Al Arabiya Sudan', April 24, 2025.
– World Bank: Sudan Economic Monitor, 2023.
– World Health Organization: Sudan Report, 2024.
– UNICEF: Sudan Education Emergency Report, 2024.
– World Food Programme: WFP Sudan Emergency Update, 2024.
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Al Taghyeer
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Al Taghyeer
07-06-2025
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Al Taghyeer
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Crucially, this economy did not emerge from the peripheries, as often assumed — it was born and nurtured in the center, within state institutions themselves, with complicity from the ruling elite. It became a tool for unofficial financing and consolidating political and military power. In this way, rentierism fused with corruption and militarization to create a parallel economy — not based on production, but on looting, not governed by law, but shielded by it. Arms and Narcotics Trade: The Forbidden Face of the Shadow Economy One of the most dangerous aspects of the shadow economy is the involvement of the ruling system in arms and narcotics trafficking. During the Al-Ingaz regime, documented reports from media and social platforms revealed incidents of 'drug containers' arriving in or passing through Sudan under the protection or complicity of security agencies. Though hidden from public view, this trade became a covert funding source for war, a tool for militia recruitment, and a means of money laundering that expanded the influence of power centers. A Funded War on Awareness: Media as a Weapon Against Civilian Rule The shadow economy doesn't just fund weapons; it also fuels a war for control over public consciousness. This media campaign is managed from hubs outside Sudan — in capitals such as Cairo, Istanbul, Dubai, and Doha — led by media figures from the former regime and affiliated ideological-security networks. These groups produce funded content on social media that justifies the war, demonizes revolutionary forces, rallies public opinion against civilian transition, and promotes the continuation of a war that has displaced millions, killed thousands, and devastated the country. The objective isn't only to suppress armed revolution, but to assassinate the very idea of a civilian state. Democracy is portrayed as a threat to stability, while military rule is presented as the only option for national unity — a blatant embodiment of state and societal militarization. Dismantling the System: Not Administrative Reform, But a Long-Term Struggle The dismantling of Sudan's shadow economy cannot be viewed as an administrative or legal procedure — especially in the context of an open war, institutional collapse, and military control over economic lifelines. This system won't fall through decisive victory alone, but through the erosion of its absolute control, when cracks begin to show in the regime's security and economic structure. Despite the militarization of daily life, civilian action must not be paralyzed or surrender to the status quo. The path forward lies in working within the war, not on its margins, to develop a realistic and radical transition project. 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On the media front, alternative, independent, and community media must be supported to counter the misinformation spread from foreign media rooms and to promote a resistance narrative based on the revolution, not the war machine. In parallel, civilian alliances must be built — realistic and resilient — offering a political and economic alternative that redefines the state-society-resource relationship and breaks the link between authority and plunder. An Open Front: A Beginning, Not an End What we face today is not a passing political crisis but a historic moment requiring a complete redefinition of the national project. This is not a finished blueprint, but an open front for gradual transformation — built not from outside collapse, but from within it. The true challenge is not waiting for war to end, but using the fractures it created to fuel civil resistance and spark new beginnings — toward a democratic, civilian, just, and salvaging state that reflects the people's aspirations, not the interests of entrenched elites. References 1. 1. Global Witness (2019). 'The Ones Left Behind: Sudan's Secret Gold Empire.' 2. 2. International Crisis Group (2022). 'The Militarization of Sudan's Economy.' 3. 3. Human Rights Watch (2020). 'Entrenched Impunity: Gold Mining and the Darfur Conflict.' 4. 4. United Nations Panel of Experts on the Sudan (2020–2023). Reports to the Security Council. 5. 5. BBC Arabic & Al Jazeera Investigations (2021–2023). Coverage of Sudan's illicit trade and media operations. 6. 6. Radio Dabanga (2015–2023). Reports on drug trafficking and corruption during Al-Ingaz regime. 7. 7. Sudan Tribune (2020). 'Forex crisis and informal currency trading in Sudan.'