Israel-Iran Conflict: DG, Israeli Defence Ministry speaks with Indian Def Secretary on phone regarding current situation

Israel-Iran Conflict: India's Defence Secretary Rajesh Kumar Singh received a call from the Director General of the Israeli Ministry of Defence, Maj Gen (Res) Amir Baram, on June 18, regarding an update on the current Israel-Iran situation, officials said.
The telephonic interaction comes amid escalating tensions between Israel and Iran.
"Defence Secretary Shri Rajesh Kumar Singh received a call today from Maj Gen (Res) Amir Baram Director General of Israel Ministry of Defence regarding an update on current situation," the Ministry of Defence said in a post on X.
On June 13, under its Operation Rising Lion, Israel conducted strikes at Iran's nuclear, missile and military complexes, mounting tension in the Middle East. The conflict, now in its sixth day, also saw Iran's retaliation against Israeli military action.
Iran's supreme leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei rejected US calls for surrender in the face of more Israeli strikes on Wednesday. Khamenei, instead, warned that any military involvement by the Americans would cause 'irreparable damage to them.'
This was Khamenei's second public appearance since the Israeli strikes. Khamenei spoke a day after US President Donald Trump demanded in a social media post that Iran surrender without conditions and warned Khamenei that the US knows where he is but has no plans to kill him, 'at least not for now.'
Trump had initially distanced himself from Israel's surprise attack aimed at Iran's nuclear program, but in recent days he has hinted at greater US involvement, saying he wants something 'much bigger' than a ceasefire.
The US has also sent more military aircraft and warships to the region, the news agency AP reported.
Khamenei warned that any military involvement by the Americans would cause 'irreparable damage to them.'
India has said that it was 'deeply concerned' over the recent developments between the countries and was 'closely monitoring' the evolving situation, even as New Delhi had urged both nations to avoid any escalatory steps.

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The Wire

9 minutes ago

• The Wire

If You Are Cheering for Bombs on Muslim Lands, You Are Not a 'Nationalist'

When Israel conducted unilateral and unprovoked attacks on Iranian territory on June 13, 2025, Iran retaliated to defend its sovereignty by firing missiles, including hypersonics, into Israel. For Israel, barrages of missiles bypassing their famed air defence system, the Iron Dome, were beyond tolerable. In this context, Israel has been desperate for the US to join the war under the garb of destroying Iran's nonexistent nuclear weapons. US president Donald Trump earlier showed all the signs of using a level-headed approach by stating that he would not enter the war for at least two more weeks, but then his own unpredictability or the pressure of the lobby that funds most political campaigns in the US prevailed over him. And on June 21, the USA conducted airstrikes on Iran's three nuclear facilities – Fordow, Isfahan, Natanz – almost against the will of its own people and his own poll plank. The conflict in West Asia is unfolding in the wider context of the humanitarian crisis in Gaza of which Iran has been one of the harshest critics and hence a legitimate target for Israel and its chief sponsor, the USA. The war is likely to have far reaching ramifications across the world. But India's digital sphere is not responding with strategic analysis, diplomacy, humanitarian concern or even wisdom. It is flooded with tank emojis, fanboy hashtags, and recycled Modi–Netanyahu selfies. This, however, should not be mistaken as solidarity for Israel. It is a digital hate theatre where communal rage is dressed up as foreign policy. In the aftermath of Hamas' October 2023 attack on Israel and Israel's indiscriminate war on Gaza, a significant portion of anti-Palestinian disinformation on social media and pro-Israel propaganda, often using violent or communal language, was traced to India and in some cases has been amplified by verified Indian handles, including some linked to the ruling party. This online behaviour reflects not geopolitical strategy, but a deeper domestic pathology - one where communal aggression finds its outlet under the cover of international conflict. The right-wing hate-mongers in India don't debate. They bait. 'But what about Hamas?' 'What about Pakistan?' 'What about Muslims and Masjids and skullcaps?' 'What about 1947?' If these were rational questions, one could engage with arguments. Much to our dismay, instead, these are smokescreens, designed to blur moral clarity and reframe nationalism as a shouting match. The tactic employed in the process is whataboutery – probably now the cornerstone of political discourse in India, under the Bharatiya Janata Party. The ruling party, its political influencers and troll networks routinely deploy whataboutery to deflect criticism – on issues ranging from economy, communal violence, human rights, or foreign policy. Rather than engage with facts or ethical questions, their rhetorical moves are designed to shift the spotlight – ensuring no accountability, just perpetually performative outrage. BJP took the good old statecraft. And replaced it with stagecraft. When Israel bombed Iran's consulate in Damascus in April 2024 – a direct violation of the Vienna Convention on Diplomatic Relations – there was no outcry from India's hawkish media or foreign policy circles. No prime-time outrage. No tweets about sovereignty. No talk of international law. This silence was not accidental. It was ideological. Iran is a Muslim country and for a large section of India's right-wing digital ecosystem, that alone is reason enough to suspend all concern for legal norms or moral consistency. Strategic thinking? No. It is a segregatory reflex, mistaken for strategy. And like every other, this mistake has a cost. Iran is not an enemy. It's a strategic partner. India defied US sanctions to invest in and develop the Chabahar Port – a critical trade and connectivity route to Central Asia and Afghanistan, and a calculated counterbalance to China's investment in Gwadar Port, Pakistan. In fact, India signed a 10-year agreement to operate Chabahar in May 2024, underscoring its long-term strategic importance despite US pressure and threats of secondary sanctions. Undermining Iran doesn't weaken Pakistan – it weakens India. Every cheer for Iran's isolation is, in effect, a cheer against our own regional leverage and long-term interests. India's foreign policy and strategic partnerships are the culmination of decades of deliberate and principled diplomacy, not accidental alignments. Jawaharlal Nehru's unwavering support for Palestine and Indira Gandhi's leadership in the Non-Aligned Movement laid the foundational groundwork for India's foreign policy. Atal Bihari Vajpayee's proactive engagement with West Asia and Manmohan Singh's careful calibration of relations with Tehran further solidified India's position, ensuring a delicate balance between strategic autonomy, economic imperatives, and moral consistency. This legacy has been instrumental in securing critical oil partnerships, protecting the interests of millions of Indian workers in the Gulf, and maintaining a credible stance with both Israel and Iran. Yet, under the current administration, this hard-earned diplomatic legacy is being squandered, as the BJP prioritises petty politics of hate over the grand strategic vision that once defined India's global standing. The BJP's actions, marked by disinformation campaigns and a disregard for international norms, have not only undermined India's credibility but also jeopardised the delicate balances that previous leaders worked tirelessly to maintain. This indictment of the BJP's approach reveals a troubling shift, where short-term domestic gains are pursued at the expense of India's long-term geopolitical influence. And of course, it never helps to have an external affairs minister who is always on an official visit to some country or think-tank on the taxpayer's money but has somehow miserably failed at converting all these opulent trips into diplomatic gains for the nation. Meanwhile, there is a world beyond hashtags. And it is watching. A January 2024 poll across 16 Arab countries showed 92% identifying Gaza as a personal cause. 97% reported psychological stress. Saudi opposition to normalisation with Israel jumped from 38% to 68%. Clearly, these are not fringe sentiments. They are tectonic shifts in public perception. India has reduced itself to a spectator, scoffing at the world's changing views from behind a screen. Now for the legal truth – not spin, not sentiment. The UN has unequivocally called Israel's siege of Gaza collective punishment – a textbook violation of the Geneva Conventions. The International Court of Justice has gone further, warning of a plausible genocide. And again, these aren't fringe claims. Human Rights Watch, Amnesty International, and UN-appointed experts have documented systematic attacks on hospitals, schools and refugee camps, forced mass displacement, and the deliberate use of starvation as a weapon. They are well-documented war crimes – codified in international law, recorded by the world's leading human rights bodies and broadcasted across the world in real time. And still, we cheer. Not because it helps India. But because it fits a narrative – a deeply entrenched one, where violence against Muslims is always seen as understandable, even justified and celebrated, and any dissent from that worldview is cast as anti-national. In this framework, foreign policy is not guided by strategic interests or moral principles. It's an extension of domestic bigotry projected onto the global stage. The suffering of thousands of innocent civilians killed in Israeli strikes become irrelevant – because acknowledging it would mean confronting the moral contradictions of the majoritarian politics at home. Support for Israel, in this context, is not about geopolitics. It's about reinforcing a domestic message: that Muslim lives are expendable, Muslim grievances are illegitimate, and any empathy for them is a betrayal of the nation. This is not foreign policy. It is hate and bigotry masked as politics. And in the long run, however, it does not just dehumanise others. It corrodes India's own moral standing, erodes its credibility abroad, projects India as thoughtless at the global stage, and turns legitimate dissent into a punishable offence at home. India today could have occupied a rare and enviable position in global geopolitics - one of moral credibility and strategic relevance. As one of the few major powers with working diplomatic ties to both Israel and Iran, India was uniquely positioned to act as a bridge in an increasingly fragmented world. With the region teetering on the edge of a wider war – and with the ever-present threat of nuclear escalation – India could have used its channels to urge de-escalation, mediate dialogue, and prevent the deepening of a catastrophic conflict. This did not just have to be naïve hope. It could have been a genuine strategic opportunity. At a moment when the world is desperate for calm, India could have been a voice of restraint and a platform for negotiation - projecting not just power, but wisdom. Instead, unfortunately, under the BJP government, our foreign policy is now a sub-genre of digital hooliganism. Gaza, West Bank, Lebanon, Yemen, Syria, Iran – all Muslim-majority countries are legitimate targets that fit the BJP's script. What's been branded as nationalism is, in truth, egotistical hate politics – a cynical rebranding of Orwellian control, where the idea of Indian democracy is to be contained, not celebrated. In the process, it has culminated into the slow, deliberate sabotage of India's moral and strategic standing in the world. Congress rejects this collapse. We call for a humanitarian ceasefire, for the two-state solution, for a return to law, principle, and strategic maturity. And here is the catch. If you cheer bombs on Muslim lands – even when they damage India's interests – you are not a nationalist. You are a saboteur. This is not love for India. It is its calculated undoing. Pawan Khera is chairman of media and communications of the Congress party.

First Post

9 minutes ago

• First Post

Will India be hit if Iran closes Strait of Hormuz? How will West Asia war impact trade?

With the US inserting itself in the Israel-Iran conflict, more uncertainty grips the world. The Islamic Republic has threatened to close the Strait of Hormuz, a key oil supply route. With global oil prices rising, will India feel the pinch? What else should the everyday Indian be worried about with no end to the war in sight? read more Oil tankers pass through the Strait of Hormuz. Iran has threatened to close this key oil supply route after US attacked its nuclear sites on Sunday (June 22). File photo/Reuters It's a jittery Monday. A day after the US struck nuclear sites in Iran, there are concerns about disruption in the energy markets, even more so after Iran's parliament approved a motion calling for the closure of the Strait of Hormuz, the oil artery of the world. While the final call on this crucial oil supply route will be taken by Iran's Supreme National Security Council, oil prices on Monday hit a five-month high before easing and Asian markets slid. India will be impacted as uncertainty continues over the US and Iran's next movie. STORY CONTINUES BELOW THIS AD New Delhi has stakes in both Israel and Iran, and a prolonged conflict could hit everything from oil supply, trade and the rupee. We analyse how prepared India is for the fallout from the West Asia crisis. Strait of Hormuz and India's oil trade India is watching closely if Iran will act on its threat and shut down the Strait of Hormuz , the world's most critical oil transit checkpoint. The Islamic Republic has never done this in the past, though similar warnings have been issued on multiple occasions. Iran is the world's ninth-biggest oil-producing country with an output of nearly 3.3 million barrels a day. India, the world's third-largest consumer of crude oil, depends heavily on imports to meet more than 85 per cent of its requirements. However, Indian refiners do not purchase crude from Iran, as its energy sector is sanctioned by the US, The Indian Express reports. India has also shifted its oil procurement strategy with a focus on Russia and the US. Imports from Russia increased after the Ukraine invasion because of good discounts following Western sanctions. American oil shipments to India increased to 439,000 barrels per day in June, higher than the 280,000 bpd in the earlier month. The dependence on West Asian countries is slowly reducing. But India still gets its crude oil from Iraq, Saudi Arabia and the UAE. It also purchases oil from Kuwait, Qatar, and Oman. The Strait of Hormuz, then, matters to India as close to 47 per cent of this imported crude is transported via this route, the report says. So if the oil supply channel is disrupted, the distribution in the supply chain will hit India. STORY CONTINUES BELOW THIS AD The shutting down of the narrow passage would have significant global repercussions across energy markets, and it will impact India's energy security as well, Dr Laxman Kumar Behera, associate professor at Special Centre for National Security Studies at the Jawaharlal Nehru University, told news agency PTI. According to Behera, any disruption in the critical shipping lane, which is a geopolitical flashpoint, will majorly impact India's crude oil imports from Iraq and, to an extent, from Saudi Arabia. A map showing the Strait of Hormuz and Iran is seen behind a 3D-printed oil pipeline in this illustration. A big percentage of India's imported crude comes via this route. Reuters However, the Indian government says it is prepared. Petroleum and Natural Gas Minister Hardeep Singh Puri said for the past two weeks, India has been closely monitoring the evolving geopolitical situation in West Asia. 'Under PM Narendra Modi's leadership, India has diversified its supplies over the past few years, reducing reliance on the Strait of Hormuz,' he said. 'Our oil marketing companies have several weeks of supplies and continue to receive energy from various routes. We will take all necessary steps to ensure the stability of fuel supplies for our citizens.' STORY CONTINUES BELOW THIS AD Puri said if India imports only about 1.5 million barrels through this route, it will turn to other suppliers to fill the gap if the strait is closed. Behind-the-scenes negotiations are reportedly underway to ensure that Russia, Qatar, and African countries provide more oil without relying on the Strait of Hormuz, reports News18. Fuga Bluemarine crude oil tanker lies at anchor near the terminal Kozmino in Nakhodka Bay near the port city of Nakhodka, Russia. Russian oil imports to India measured 1.96 million barrels per day in May. Reuters Inflation While India might have enough oil supplies for now, it is likely to be affected by the disruptions if the oil route is shut. In such a scenario, oil prices could see a jump. 'Oil prices are expected to surge due to increased tensions in the region, with some analysts predicting prices to reach $80-$ 90 per barrel or even $00 per barrel if Iran responds with retaliatory measures,' said Captain D K Sharma (retd), a former Indian Navy spokesperson, who closely follows developments in the Gulf region. Some experts even hit that it could touch $120 per barrel. The surge in prices will have a domino effect in India. If oil prices rise, it will lead to higher energy and shipping costs, leading to domestic inflation. However, India need not worry just yet. Sachchidanand Shukla, group chief economist at Larsen & Toubro, told Mint, 'India can absorb oil prices up to $85 a barrel without triggering large macro imbalances. There is no need to panic, and one needs to keep an eye on how the situation evolves.' STORY CONTINUES BELOW THIS AD If global oil prices rise, India's economy will also be affected. Reuters India's trade with West Asia Both Iran and Israel are important trading partners for India. Basmati rice is one of India's big exports to the Islamic Republic, which amounted to $753.2 million in FY25. Other exports are banana, tea, soya, and Bengal gram. The basmati exports to Iran have stopped since the latest conflict with Israel started 12 days ago. Operations at Iran's Bandar Abbas port have reportedly been suspended, and many consignments are stuck. 'We export around one million tonnes of basmati to Iran, which is approximately 15 to 16 per cent of total global export from India. Due to the present crisis, now around Rs 3,000 crore worth of export orders are hanging in the balance as no one knows how the situation will develop in the coming days as the banking infrastructure there has either collapsed or frozen, thus no transactions. We have just kept our fingers crossed,' Ranjit Singh Jossan, vice-president of the Basmati Rice Miller and Exporter Association, told The New Indian Express. STORY CONTINUES BELOW THIS AD India is a major exporter of basmati rice to Iran. This trade has taken a hit since the Israel-Iran conflict started. Reuters Other perishable items like bananas and tea will also be hit by delays. India exports 20,000 to 25,000 tonnes of tea to Iran, especially from Assam. However, exports are now on hold because of the conflict. B Rajesh Chander, a member of the Tea Board India, told The Hindu last week, 'There is fear that exports to countries such as Azerbaijan and Kazakhstan may also get affected in the future if the conflict continues.' 'A prolonged conflict could dampen Iranian demand and squeeze Indian exports,' Ajay Srivastava, founder of the Global Trade Research Initiative (GTRI), said. Israel is a larger trading partner – exports in FY 2024-25 amounted to $2.1 billion, and imports were at $1.6 billion. Trade with other countries in West Asia, like Iraq, Jordan, Lebanon, Syria and Yemen, could be hit. India's exports to the region stood at $8.6 billion, and imports were $33.1 billion. Financial markets India's benchmark indices, Sensex and Nifty, opened lower on Monday over tensions in West Asia. Almost all sectors were in the red. The Indian rupee fell 20 paise to 86.75 against the US dollar in early trade. The Indian rupee and government bonds face pressure this week following the US strike on Iran. STORY CONTINUES BELOW THIS AD It is impossible to be shielded from the impact of the conflict. However, a few cautionary steps will prevent New Delhi from feeling the full blow.

Time of India

13 minutes ago

• Time of India

'Highly undesirable': Dutch host Nato during political crisis

AP image THE HAGUE: For a small country like the Netherlands, organising a Nato summit is a big endeavour at the best of times. The government collapsing three weeks beforehand has not exactly made life easier. With whole districts and key roads blocked for weeks, and schools and businesses closed, the usually serene seaside city of The Hague has certainly felt the force of the impending summit. To much grumbling, even some cycle lanes have been shut down, usually unthinkable in the land of bikes. Dozens of trees have also been uprooted to make way for the temporary buildings housing the thousands of delegates and journalists attending the summit. For the Netherlands, welcoming 32 world leaders including US President Donald Trump is quite simply the biggest event it has ever hosted in terms of security. The country is deploying some 27,000 police officers, around half its total force. And all of this while Dutch politics is still reeling from far-right leader Geert Wilders's withdrawal from the government in a row over immigration. The sudden departure of Wilders and his far-right Freedom Party brought down a shaky coalition, with fresh elections now slated for October 29. "It is highly undesirable to host such an important summit when the government has fallen and new elections are expected," Claes de Vreese, political communications professor at the University of Amsterdam, told AFP. It borders on embarrassing, stormed outgoing foreign minister Caspar Veldkamp, describing the withdrawal of Wilders three weeks before the summit as "scandalous." Fortunately, noted De Vreese, the Dutch parliament gave its green light to the defence spending increases at the centre of the summit. "This gives weight and legitimacy to the participation" of outgoing Prime Minister Dick Schoof at the summit, said the expert. But as the government is a lame-duck administration, the next government will have to find the cash. 'The Netherlands is ready' Speaking of cash, the estimated cost of the Nato summit is 183.4 million euros ($211 million), or just over one million euros per minute, according to Dutch daily AD. Nato Secretary General Mark Rutte has chopped back the leaders' meeting to just two-and-a-half hours on Wednesday morning, reportedly to appease Trump, not known to love lengthy summits. At least Rutte himself will feel at home. The Nato boss is a born-and-bred "Hagenaar" (citizen of the Hague), still has a house in the city and is often seen at weekends on his bike or shopping at his local supermarket despite his move to Brussels. And despite the government collapse complicating matters, it is really Nato taking on the bulk of the organisation. "We're not hosting the summit, that's the secretary general," said Schoof. "But the host country does play an important role. The whole world will be looking at the Netherlands," Schoof told reporters. Much of the attention will naturally be on Trump -- although there is a question mark over his appearance given the US strikes on Iran. It falls to Noordwijk, a peaceful coastal resort between Schiphol Airport and The Hague, to host the US president, who will stay in a sumptuous hotel overlooking the North Sea -- if he turns up. His route in has been completely blocked off since Sunday -- like several others in the city. Some frustrated citizens of The Hague have asked why the summit couldn't be held in Veluwe, a national park with no one around -- or even at the airport. At an anti-Nato protest the weekend before the summit, Alfons Vryland, a 54-year-old teacher, noted the irony of holding a military alliance meeting in the self-styled city of peace and justice. "I'm embarrassed that they're here talking about war instead of peace in my country, in this city," Vryland told AFP. Jan van Zanen, the city's amiable mayor, sought to reassure everyone, from the crisis-hit PM to the average Hagenaar. "I know people think that I'm a magician as mayor of The Hague, but I couldn't prevent the government collapsing," he told AFP. "The impact (of the government falling) is there, but where we can, we've limited it to the utmost," he said. "Yes, the Netherlands is ready."