
The GOP fight for clean energy credits
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A new Republican-led lobbying group is trying to override its party's disdain for former President Joe Biden's clean energy tax credits in an effort to save trillions of dollars' worth of financial benefits headed to largely red districts.
Built for America — led by former West Virginia Lt. Gov. Mitch Carmichael (R) and former Trump campaign adviser Bryan Lanza — launched this month with a $2 million campaign, placing advertisements in conservative platforms like Fox News and Truth Social, writes Timothy Cama.
'Trump country is booming. We're building, hiring and winning in America, because energy tax credits put America first,' one of the ads says.
The effort comes as advocates run out of time, and avenues, to defend the clean power provisions before Republicans unravel them in President Donald Trump's megabill. The Senate Finance Committee released new text this week that would do little to save the solar tax credits, disappointing groups that had hoped senators would take a more tolerant stance than their House counterparts.
Some GOP senators say there's still time to salvage the credits they favor. But for House Freedom Caucus members, the Senate version doesn't go far enough to kill the tax breaks. They have vowed to vote against the bill unless it more closely mirrors the House-approved deep cuts.
Lobbying blitz: The new Senate text reinvigorated the clean energy lobbying effort, which included a rally Tuesday at the Capitol hosted by the Solar Energy Industries Association, the solar industry's biggest trade group.
'Time to storm the Hill!' said Abigail Ross Hopper, the group's CEO.
Companies and trade associations have beefed up their lobbying capacity in recent months to fight for the credits they support. They include battery-maker Energizer Holdings, chemical manufacturer Johnson Matthey, the Hydrogen Jobs Now Coalition, battery recycler Ecobat and the Clean Energy Buyers Association.
Advanced Energy United, which is backed by major technology firms such as Microsoft and automakers like Ford, launched a six-figure campaign targeting a handful of Senate Republicans with digital ads.
'Repealing these tax credits would devastate local economies, raise energy costs, and hand the keys of energy leadership to China — and the Senate now has a choice to make,' Harry Godfrey, the group's managing director for federal priorities, said in a statement.
The anti-tax-credit faction has its advocates, too. GOP lawmakers have publicly thanked fossil fuel activist Alex Epstein for his help in rolling back the credits in the House bill. Epstein, the founder of a for-profit think tank that promotes fossil fuels, wrote on X that the Senate version is a 'sad update.'
It's Wednesday — thank you for tuning in to POLITICO's Power Switch. I'm your host, Arianna Skibell. Power Switch is brought to you by the journalists behind E&E News and POLITICO Energy. Send your tips, comments, questions to askibell@eenews.net.
Programming note: We'll be off this Thursday but will be back in your inboxes on Friday.
Today in POLITICO Energy's podcast: Josh Siegel and Kelsey Tamborrino break down what the Senate proposed in its version of the megabill, how it compares with the House's version and what comes next in the tax credit battle.
Power Centers
EPA acted illegally in axing grants, court rulesA federal judge has ruled that the Trump administration's termination of $600 million in environmental justice grants issued by the Biden administration for low-income areas and communities of color was unlawful, writes Alex Guillén.
The ruling comes as the Environmental Protection Agency is separately appealing a ruling that its termination of $20 billion in Greenhouse Gas Reduction Fund grants was also unlawful. Congressional Republicans have proposed rescinding funding for both grant programs as part of their reconciliation bills.
Offshore wind's political tightrope walkIn an unusual move, Vineyard Wind declined to comment when the Supreme Court ended a yearslong battle in favor of the Massachusetts offshore wind developer, writes Benjamin Storrow.
The lack of comment illustrates how offshore wind companies are trying to navigate a politically tumultuous period under Trump, who has repeatedly voiced his disdain for 'windmills.' As executive orders and regulatory actions designed to halt offshore wind projects have piled up, many developers are advancing projects in relative silence. They are staying quiet even as opponents ratchet up criticism.
Death knell for carbon capture?In proposing to repeal Biden's climate rule for power plants, the Trump administration lampooned the measure's reliance on burgeoning technology that captures and stores pollution before it enters the atmosphere, writes Carlos Anchondo.
EPA said carbon capture and storage has not been 'adequately demonstrated' and that the cost of deployment is 'not reasonable,' delivering a major setback to a technology that's struggling to find a foothold.
In Other News
More megabill bites: Senate Republicans are seeking to reward oil drillers amid deep cuts to wind and solar.
Is fake grass safe? A manufacturer sues to stop a discussion.
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The Trump administration is shuttering climate.gov, which has for 15 years been a go-to source for information about climate change and the growing threats driven by atmospheric warming.
The Supreme Court overturned a lower court ruling Wednesday that had threatened to stymie nuclear power plants' ability to store spent nuclear fuel away from their sites as they await a permanent solution for the waste.
The Brazilian government is taking bids from companies to explore for oil near the Amazon River as the country also prepares to host this year's international climate talks aimed at shoring up countries' climate commitments.
That's it for today, folks! Thanks for reading.
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USA Today
10 minutes ago
- USA Today
Trump vowed to keep US out of wars. What changed when he decided to bomb Iran?
Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu has long lobbied American presidents to help Israel bomb Iran. None have taken him up on it. Until now. President Donald Trump campaigned on stopping "endless wars." He also entered office vowing to bring a swift closure to conflicts in Gaza and Ukraine. Five months in, he's joined Israel's war on Iran's nuclear facilities. So what's changed? And what were the warning signs Trump was prepared to become the third wheel in an Israel-Iran contest for regional dominance that's been playing out for decades? It's not clear what exact damage was done in Iran. The White House says U.S. bombers decimated three uranium enrichment facilities. What comes next is also far from certain: additional U.S. strikes, Iran's retaliation, a resumption of diplomacy, even? Is this the start of the collapse of Iran's clerical regime? Is it a historical moment akin to the breakup of the Soviet Union? What's indisputable is that one pull factor for the U.S. is Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu's long, complicated relationship with recent American presidents. The U.S. bombing of Iran is also the culmination of a process that traces at least as far back to the 1990s when Netanyahu, then a young lawmaker, predicted the Islamic Republic, Israel's sworn enemy, would one day either acquire, or be on the cusp of acquiring, a nuclear weapon and Israel would be forced to act − ideally with U.S. help. "Within three to five years, we can assume that Iran will become autonomous in its ability to develop and produce a nuclear bomb," Netanyahu said in 1992. His prediction was later repeated in his 1995 book, "Fighting Terrorism." Netanyahu's constant refrain: bomb Iran Netanyahu is the longest-serving Israeli prime minister in the Jewish state's history. He's occupied the role on and off for more than 17 years. In every one of those years he's sought to convince American presidents to bomb Iran's nuclear program, which Tehran insists is for civilian energy purposes only. Netanyahu has appeared at the United Nations with elaborate maps and cartoon-style drawings of bombs. He worked hard to scupper the 2015 nuclear accord between Iran and world powers that Trump exited because he said Iranian officials could not be trusted. In 2002, Netanyahu told a U.S. congressional committee that both Iraq and Iran would soon have a nuclear bomb. A year later the U.S. invaded Iraq. In 2009, he told members of Congress in private that Iran was just a year or two away from producing a nuclear weapon, according to a U.S. State Department cable released by WikiLeaks. Successive American presidents have listened and acted on Netanyahu's Iran warnings, most substantively politically in the form of the Obama administration's 2015 nuclear deal, which was designed to limit Iran's uranium enrichment in return for relief of U.S. economic sanctions on Iran. When Trump, in his first term, exited that agreement it was working in the sense that Iran was not enriching uranium at a level necessary to produce a nuclear weapon, according to the International Atomic Energy Agency, the United Nations' nuclear watchdog. Netanyahu's public and private relationships with recent American presidents have been marked by chilly tensions and insults. In 2015, Netanyahu's spokesman apologized to former President Barack Obama. He has also clashed with former Presidents Bill Clinton and Joe Biden. Netanyahu has even annoyed Trump, although their relationship trends toward mutual lavish praise. But no American president − until now − has gone along with Netanyahu's war plans for Iran, fearing the U.S. could be dragged into a wider Middle East war. The experiences of Iraq and Afghanistan still haunt U.S. presidents. "The president more than anybody is worried about protracted military conflicts and that is not what we are getting ourselves involved in,' U.S. Vice President JD Vance said on ABC's "This Week" program on June 22. Vance said the Trump administration is also not trying to force regime change in Iran. Reading Trump's Iran tea leaves Trump may also not be as risk averse to military actions as is sometimes portrayed, including by himself. In his first term, he ordered a missile attack in Syria to punish then-Syrian President Bashar al-Assad for using chemical weapons; a raid to kill ISIS leader Abu Bakr al-Baghdadi; and a drone attack that killed Qasem Soleimani, a senior Iranian military commander much beloved in Iran whose death led to Iranian reprisals on U.S. bases in Iraq. Also in the background: The IAEA, the U.N.'s nuclear watchdog, and former U.S. officials such as Dan Shapiro, U.S. ambassador to Israel during the Obama administration, say Iran's nuclear capabilities have advanced since Trump exited the nuclear deal. "Iran cannot be left with an enrichment capability, able to produce a nuclear weapon at a time of its choosing," Shapiro wrote in a recent blog post. Trump has made various comments for years that reflect that sentiment. The main thrust of his remarks in recent weeks have been to say he won't allow Iran to continue its nuclear enrichment program, and Tehran could give it up through negotiation or through what he called "the hard way." After first pushing for a diplomatic solution, Trump's tone changed after Israel on June 13 struck dozens of nuclear and military targets in Iran, killing many of Iran's military elite and senior nuclear scientists. By June 17, the president was threatening Iran's supreme leader, Ayatollah Ali Khamenei on social media, calling him an "easy target." See updated maps, satellite images: Iran's nuclear sites before and after Israeli attacks Trump likes a winner. He often says so himself. In the days leading up to the U.S. strike, Israel appeared to be winning. "Congratulations, President Trump, your bold decision to target Iran's nuclear facilities with the awesome and righteous might of the United States will change history,' Netanyahu said in a statement as he addressed the world on June 22 to update them on the war's latest development. He spoke in English, not Hebrew. In his own address, to the American people, Trump said, "I want to thank and congratulate Prime Minister Bibi Netanyahu. We worked as a team like perhaps no team has ever worked before, and we've gone a long way to erasing this horrible threat to Israel." Not mentioned: U.S. intelligence agencies assessed earlier this year that they did not think Iran was close to building a nuclear bomb. Contributing: Francesca Chambers, Tom Vanden Brook


CNN
11 minutes ago
- CNN
Trump's Iran strike is a huge win for Netanyahu but the endgame is as unclear as ever
The smile on Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu's face was impossible to hide. Minutes after President Donald Trump announced that the US had bombed three of Iran's nuclear facilities, Netanyahu effusively praised the American leader as someone whose decisions could lead the region to a 'future of prosperity and peace.' Since Israel launched its attacks on Iran's nuclear facilities and other targets, Netanyahu and the country's other political echelon had been careful not to be perceived as dragging Trump into another war in the Middle East. In the end, the US joining the campaign – and taking credit for the results – is arguably an even bigger success for Netanyahu, who brought the world's superpower into what had been Israel's mission. Netanyahu has talked about the threat of Iran for much of his political career, parading out visual aids on occasion – like a cartoon of a bomb at the UN General Assembly in 2012 – to help his audience. But the longstanding criticism was that Netanyahu's rhetoric was all bark, no bite. For all the talk of the threat Iran posed to Israel and the wider region, Netanyahu never pulled the trigger on a major military operation. Instead, he authorized sporadic high-risk, high-reward operations from Israel's Mossad spy agency, including the assassination of Iranian nuclear scientists and the stealing of the country's nuclear archive. But Iran's nuclear program survived largely unscathed, and Netanyahu was left for years with no measurable achievement against an issue he came to see as an existential threat to Israel. The last 10 days rewrote the script. Aviv Bushinsky, who worked with Netanyahu during his first term in the late-90s, called the attacks on Iran's nuclear facilities 'no doubt his greatest accomplishment.' Israel's initial waves of attacks and its establishment of air superiority over Iran began a clear string of military successes, which the Trump administration ultimately joined. 'Netanyahu is being seen as someone who managed to orchestrate this operation from the beginning to the end,' Bushinsky told CNN. The scale of the success is so great that Bushinsky argued it made Netanyahu's one of the country's top two or three leaders since the country's founding in 1948. The 'stain' of failing to stop the Hamas-led attack on October 7 remains with Netanyahu, Bushinsky said, but the attack on Iran has immediately become part of his legacy. 'Netanyahu has a signature of taking down the nuclear capabilities of the Iranians,' he said. Now Netanyahu immediately faces another challenge: deciding what to do next. At least publicly, the US has made it clear that it sees the Iran strikes as finished as long as Iranian forces don't attack US troops in the region. But after starting the campaign alone, Israel is still pressing its advantage. Israel Defense Forces (IDF) spokesman Brig. Gen. Effie Defrin said Sunday that Israel was preparing for the 'campaign to prolong.' Before the weekend, Israel had conducted the military campaign against Iran on its own, and it has since carried out more strikes after the US bombing of the nuclear facilities. 'If the war was designed to obliterate Iran's nuclear infrastructure, and the president of the United States says they destroyed the three facilities, then why isn't Israel announcing mission accomplished?' former Israeli consul general Alon Pinkas asked rhetorically. 'This military solution for everything is fine, as long as you understand that it is aligned with political goals. And I don't see them.' Since the start of the Trump administration, the friction between Trump and Netanyahu has been on full display as the White House pursued a series of steps in the region that left Israel sidelined. Trump's first trip to the Middle East blew right past Israel without stopping, the American president signed a ceasefire deal with the Houthis in Yemen that cut out Israel, and he surprised Netanyahu in April by announcing nuclear negotiations with Iran. The US decisions raised questions about whether Netanyahu was able to handle a second Trump administration, especially one with a far more vocal isolationist wing. All of those questions disappeared in a puff of bunker buster smoke in the aftermath of the US strikes as the two leaders heaped praise on one another The issue of Iran had broad consensus among much of Israeli society, with a majority of the country viewing a nuclear Iran as an existential threat. According to a survey from the Israel Democracy Institute done before the US strikes, approximately 70% of Israelis supported the campaign against Iran, while nearly as many believe it was right to launch the strikes without a guarantee of US involvement. That level of support has drawn accolades for Netanyahu even from his detractors. 'You don't have to like Netanyahu in order to admit yes, he achieved something,' said Ben-Dror Yemini, a political analyst for Israel's prominent Yedioth Ahronoth newspaper. But the current moment – one in which Israel and the US have carried out punishing strikes on Iranian nuclear facilities – requires sensitive diplomacy and a willingness to back off the military successes that appear to have come so easily, Yemini said. 'We have to be clever,' Yemini told CNN. 'I hope Netanyahu will be clever in order to understand where we are right now.' The decision to act and the decision to wait each involved its own elements of risk, according to former US Ambassador to Israel Dan Shapiro. 'There's risk in any use of forces and certainly in a major decision like this one from the United States,' Shapiro said. 'But there was risk in not acting and leaving Iran within weeks of a nuclear bomb at the time of their choosing.' But having made the critical choice to go after Iran's nuclear facilities, Shapiro said it would be a grave mistake to assume the conflict is over. 'I don't think we should consider this to be the end of the story. Much depends on how we manage the aftermath of this so that the outcome is positive,' Shapiro told CNN. Asked if the Middle East was safer now than it was before US involvement in the strikes against Iran, Shapiro said it depends on whether the bombing campaign destroyed or significantly damaged Iranian nuclear facilities. It also depends on how Iran chooses to respond, which he said requires the international community to lead Iran away from escalation. 'It's too early to celebrate the achievement.'


Business Insider
13 minutes ago
- Business Insider
Inside SoftBank's $1 Trillion AI Gamble: What It Means for SFTBY Investors
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