logo
Europe's political centre holds in weekend of elections

Europe's political centre holds in weekend of elections

Al Jazeera19-05-2025

It was called Super Sunday – three elections in European Union nations on the same day.
All eyes were on Romania's presidential run-off – a crucial vote for the NATO member, in which a centrist victory has been welcomed by the EU and Ukraine.
In Poland, the governing party's pro-EU candidate and his right-wing nationalist rival are set for a decisive second-round vote in June. But the centrist Warsaw mayor's slim lead means the country could still lean towards populism.
Perhaps the biggest change was in Portugal, where the centre-right alliance won snap parliamentary elections as the far right won a record number of votes.
Europe's political centre appears to be holding but for how much longer?
And will these results reassure an EU seeking respite from the turbulence of populist politics?
Presenter: Adrian Finighan
Guests:
Pieter Cleppe, editor-in-chief, BrusselsReport.eu
Piotr Buras, head of the European Council on Foreign Relations
Antonio Costa Pinto, professor of political science, University of Lisbon

Orange background

Try Our AI Features

Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:

Comments

No comments yet...

Related Articles

What is Europe's stance on the Israel-Iran conflict?
What is Europe's stance on the Israel-Iran conflict?

Al Jazeera

timea day ago

  • Al Jazeera

What is Europe's stance on the Israel-Iran conflict?

Divisions and anxiety rise in Europe over hostilities in the Middle East. The German leader and European Commission president were quick to back Israel as the conflict began with Iran last Friday. The European Union has since called for de-escalation, reflecting growing anxiety over what might happen next. So, what is the thinking in European capitals – and how much influence does Europe really have? Presenter: Neave Barker Guests: Pieter Cleppe – Editor-in-chief at Steven Erlanger – Chief diplomatic correspondent in Europe at The New York Times in Berlin Ellie Geranmayeh – Deputy director of the Middle East and North Africa programme at the European Council on Foreign Relations

Seeking fresh start, Poland's Tusk faces confidence vote
Seeking fresh start, Poland's Tusk faces confidence vote

Al Jazeera

time11-06-2025

  • Al Jazeera

Seeking fresh start, Poland's Tusk faces confidence vote

Polish Prime Minister Donald Tusk says his pro-European Union coalition has the mandate to govern ahead of a crucial confidence vote in parliament. Tusk called the vote as he seeks to regain momentum after his ally Rafal Trzaskowski was defeated by nationalist Karol Nawrocki in the country's presidential election earlier this month, prompting predictions of his government's demise. Tusk, whose fractious centrist coalition built around his Civic Platform party holds 242 seats in the 460-seat Sejm, or lower house, is expected to survive the vote, which could potentially trigger early elections, not scheduled until 2027. 'Governing Poland is a privilege,' Tusk told politicians ahead of the vote on Wednesday. 'We have a mandate to take full responsibility for what's going on in Poland.' He listed higher defence spending and a cut in his government's visa issuance for migrants as major achievements since he took power in October 2023 from the nationalist Law and Justice party (PiS). But a win is unlikely to bring the 'new beginning' the 68-year-old leader is hoping for after this month's presidential race left his coalition rattled, raising questions over his leadership against a backdrop of surging support for the far-right in the country of 38 million. Following the presidential election, there has been growing criticism that Tusk's government has underdelivered on its campaign promises, failing to fulfil pledges of liberalising abortion laws, reforming the judiciary and raising the tax-free income threshold. Tensions within the governing coalition, particularly with the Polish People's Party (PSL), which advocates for socially conservative values and wants more curbs on immigration, could spell more trouble. President-elect Nawrocki, an admirer of US President Donald Trump, is also an EU-sceptic who is expected to work to boost the opposition PiS party that backed him. An SW Research poll for Rzeczpospolita daily showed that about a third of Poles thought Tusk's government would not survive until the end of its term in 2027. Polish presidents can veto legislation passed by the parliament, a power that will likely hamper reform efforts by Tusk's government, such as the planned introduction of same-sex partnerships or easing a near-total ban on abortion. It could also make ties with Brussels difficult, particularly over rule of law issues, as Nawrocki has expressed support for the controversial judicial reforms put in place by the previous PiS government. Ties with Ukraine could become more tense as Nawrocki opposes Ukraine's membership of NATO and has been critical of the support for Ukrainian refugees in Poland. Nawrocki is expected to begin his five-year mandate formally on August 6 once the election result has been legally validated. The election commission has found evidence of counting errors in favour of Nawrocki in some districts. Parliament speaker Szymon Holownia, a government ally, said there was 'no reason to question the result'. Tusk previously served as Polish prime minister from 2007-2014 and then as president of the European Council from 2014–2019. He resumed his leadership of the country as prime minister again in December 2023.

Where does Poland's new president stand on Ukraine?
Where does Poland's new president stand on Ukraine?

Al Jazeera

time06-06-2025

  • Al Jazeera

Where does Poland's new president stand on Ukraine?

On May 30, the last day of Poland's presidential campaign, Karol Nawrocki laid flowers at a monument that has long sparked controversy. The 14-metre tall statue commemorating the Volhynian massacre depicts a crowned eagle, the symbol of Poland, with a cross shape cut out from its chest. In that cross, a child's body is impaled on a trident, representing the Ukrainian coat of arms, the 'tryzub'. The statue was revealed in July 2024 in Domostawa, a village in southeastern Poland close to Ukraine's border. It commemorates the ethnic cleansing of Poles by the Ukrainian Insurgent Army in the Polish-Ukrainian borderland between 1943 to 1945. While statistics vary, it is assumed that between 40,000 and 100,000 people perished in the massacre. But before Domostawa accepted the monument, several cities, including Rzeszow, Torun and Stalowa Wola, refused to host it due to the brutality of the sculptor's vision and in order not to damage relations with Ukraine. To Nawrocki, formerly the head of the Institute of National Remembrance, a state research institute, the scene felt like the place to end his presidential bid. 'The Volhynian Massacre was a cruel crime. The methods of murdering Poles were cruel. It was a neighbourly crime, because neighbours murdered neighbours. It was also a robbery, because Ukrainian nationalists often robbed their neighbours,' Nawrocki said. 'We have the right to talk about it. I have the right to talk about it as the president of the Institute of National Remembrance and I will have this right as the president of Poland after June 1.' Dear President @ZelenskyyUa, thank you for your message. I am looking forward to countinue partnership of our countries, based on mutual respect and understanding. I believe it requires not only good dialogue but also solving overdue historical issues. Poland has been Ukraine's… — Karol Nawrocki (@NawrockiKn) June 3, 2025During his ultimately successful campaign, President-elect Nawrocki, a nationalist, said that Poles should have priority in queues for doctor's appointments and called to limit Ukrainians' access to benefits. He also said he was against Ukraine joining NATO and the European Union, a stark contrast from Poland's traditional position of support as Kyiv fights off Russian forces. Warsaw's support, Nawrocki believes, should depend on Ukraine making amends for the Volhynian massacre, which could include the exhumation of Polish victims. Following the start of Russia's full-scale invasion in early 2022, Poland, under the rule of the Law and Justice – or PiS – party, which supported Nawrocki, accepted more than a million Ukrainian refugees and backed Ukraine with weapons as Kyiv's other European allies, such as Germany, hesitated. Thousands of Poles hosted Ukrainians in their homes as Poland became the loudest pro-Ukrainian voice in the EU and NATO. But while PiS has a long history of supporting Ukraine throughout its revolutions in 2004 and 2014, and following the Russian onslaught, anti-Ukrainian rhetoric is now taking hold. In the first round of the presidential election, 51 percent of Poles voted for candidates who had touted positions at odds with Ukraine's ambitions. Even the liberal candidate from the Civic Platform, Rafal Trzaskowski, suggested that Ukrainians who do not pay taxes should be deprived of child benefits. According to research by the Mieroszewski Centre, in 2022, 83 percent of Ukrainians had a positive opinion of Poles, but by November 2024, this number fell to 41 percent. In January 2025, 51 percent of Poles said that Ukrainian refugees receive too much support. Almost half of respondents said that difficult historical issues should be solved to improve Polish-Ukrainian relations. Research published in February 2025 by CBOS found that just 30 percent of Poles had a positive attitude towards Ukrainians, down from 51 percent in 2023, while 38 percent had a negative attitude towards their Ukrainian neighbours, up from 17 percent in 2023. 'I think that Poland should continue its support for Ukraine, but I am disappointed with the position of the Ukrainian state. If not for Poland's strong and decisive reaction at the beginning of the full-scale invasion, which encouraged Europe's support, Ukraine would not survive. And then in front of the United Nations General Assembly, Ukraine's president compared Poland to Russia,' said Nawrocki voter Michal, a 33-year-old travel guide. 'Ukrainians never showed any remorse for the Volhynian massacre. And I find it unacceptable that figures like Stepan Bandera and Roman Shukhevych, who are responsible for massacres of Poles during World War II, are considered Ukraine's national heroes,' Michal added, referring to the Ukrainian nationalist leaders and Nazi collaborators. The Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Ukraine considers the decision of the Sejm of the Republic of Poland to establish 11 July as a Day of Remembrance for the victims of the so-called 'genocide committed by the Organization of Ukrainian Nationalists (OUN) and the Ukrainian… — MFA of Ukraine 🇺🇦 (@MFA_Ukraine) June 5, 2025Michal's views are not uncommon. Meanwhile, grudges against Ukrainian refugees have swelled. 'In February and March 2022, in a few weeks, Poland became a country that was no longer culturally uniform. For many Poles, who had no experience of diversity, the very fact that suddenly their neighbours spoke a different language became difficult to accept,' said Rafal Pankowski from the antiracism Never Again association. Currently, more than 50 percent of Poles declare solidarity with Ukrainian refugees, down from 90 percent in 2022, he said, citing his organisation's polling data. 'One of the reasons why support for Ukrainians has fallen is right-wing propaganda and conspiracy theories spread on social media. We have been monitoring the situation since the beginning of the war, and it has been clear that in the long run, playing the anti-Ukrainian card will bring the far right political benefits. And this is what happened in this campaign.' Igor Krawetz, a Ukrainian commentator who has lived in Poland for almost 20 years, said that he is surprised at the speed of the shift. Two years ago, open hostility towards Ukrainians was viewed as inappropriate, even among the right, he said. 'Polish anti-Ukrainian xenophobia is no longer limited to spaces where Ukrainian migrants compete with Poles, such as low-skilled jobs. Now xenophobia is expressed by the middle class, too, who see that Ukrainians moved businesses to Warsaw, buy expensive apartments and are no longer poor people that need the Poles' support,' he added. The shift brings back memories for Krawetz. Polish solidarity with Ukraine ended in disillusionment and mutual accusations in 2004, when Poles supported Ukraine's Orange Revolution and in 2014, after the Euromaidan. 'Poles have got used to seeing Ukraine's misfortunes as their own pain. For the past 20 years, during crises, there have been romantic waves of brotherly support that lasted for several months and were always followed by complaints: 'I helped you in 2022 and you still haven't won the war' type of thing,' Krawetz said. 'I have survived the first and second wave of solidarity with Ukraine. I will survive the last one, too. It always comes back full circle.'

DOWNLOAD THE APP

Get Started Now: Download the App

Ready to dive into a world of global content with local flavor? Download Daily8 app today from your preferred app store and start exploring.
app-storeplay-store