A year after after The TRAP closed, Chef Oya teaches the next generation of Indy chefs
Oya Woodruff does things her way.
In 2016, with no culinary degree and minimal entrepreneurial experience but plenty of self-belief, "Chef Oya" opened The TRAP in the Martindale-Brightwood neighborhood, selling stomach-stuffing seafood trays in an area where local restaurants are few and far between. Many who frequented Woodruff's walk-up seafood counter were as acquainted with her larger-than-life charisma as they were with her signature garlicky 'TRAP buttah.'
Then, last summer, Woodruff closed The TRAP with little explanation. As longtime customers mourned the loss of a neighborhood staple, Woodruff moved on to a new chapter.
On a recent Thursday morning, Woodruff, now 41, stands surrounded by the familiar sizzle and sputter of meat in hot oil in a large kitchen. But she's not doing any of the cooking. The chefs in question are about a dozen students at Pike High School, where Woodruff recently concluded her first year as a culinary instructor.
From absolute kitchen basics to techniques that would be a reach for many competent home cooks, Woodruff's classes prepare students to provide for themselves and others with food. After doing precisely that for almost her whole life, Woodruff is now teaching the next generation.
'I think it's exactly what I need to be doing right now at this moment in my life,' she said.
Growing up in what Woodruff said was then one of Indianapolis' roughest neighborhoods near Post Road and 42nd Street ('Fo' Deuce,' as she knew it), the chef picked up her first culinary lessons from her grandmother and great-aunt, both professional cooks. By middle school, she regularly prepared meals for herself and her four brothers while their parents were at work.
In 2015, after unfinished stints at two colleges and nearly a decade working for various food vendors, Woodruff started selling food out of her house near 34th Street and Keystone Avenue. People arrived in droves to purchase Woodruff's seafood boil trays. The crowds attracted the attention of her next-door neighbors, who Woodruff said sold drugs out of their home, colloquially known as a trap house.
'They came over and was like, 'What you over here doing?'' Woodruff said. ''Cause at that point, I had more business than they had.'
Eventually, Woodruff's father urged her to find a commercial kitchen. In early 2016, Woodruff took over the storefront of a former Jamaican restaurant at 3355 N. Keystone Ave. and opened Chef Oya's The TRAP.
More than just a tongue-in-cheek name, The TRAP stood for 'Towards Restoring food Access for People.' While Woodruff took care to let no ingredient go to waste — 'I know exactly what to cook down to the egg, baby,' she said — she was also quick to offer free food to those in need.
Though The TRAP weathered the COVID-19 pandemic better than many eateries, it didn't escape unscathed. Inventory costs went up and kept climbing. Though there were still days when lines wrapped around The TRAP's lime-green corner, other days yielded single-digit customers.
'We were so busy for so many years, I guess I took for granted what it would look like if it fell of a little bit,' Woodruff said. 'And it fell off a little bit, and it scared me.'
Fearing she might be forced to close The TRAP, she began looking for a different path forward.
Woodruff, who now lives in Pike Township and has a daughter at nearby Lincoln Middle School, said for three straight years Pike staffers asked her to teach whenever Woodruff visited to guest-judge the culinary students' cooking competitions.
By the third year, Woodruff knew her days of running The TRAP full-time were numbered. In March 2024, at the urging of Pike staff including Principal Jeremy Wolley, Woodruff filled out an application. Before school began in the fall, she closed The Trap.
Pike's student body is very diverse, both in backgrounds and in interests, Wolley said. In Woodruff, he saw an industry veteran who could relate to kids and inspire them to chase their goals.
'I think she's a model for what can happen when you take a leap of faith and you chase your passions and you allow people to support you,' he said.
At 7:05 a.m. on Aug. 1, Woodruff kicked off her latest career arc. If her students had first-day jitters, hers were worse.
'I ain't never been afraid to be in front of people,' she said. 'But when I tell you the first time I walked in front of 25 16-year-olds that I knew were gonna have to see me every day… I was a ball of nerves for weeks.'
Woodruff's earliest classes dealt with fundamental skills like how to hold a knife and turn on a stove — as Woodruff puts it, 'the things you need to be in the kitchen and not kill anybody, or yourself.' Her students learn nutrition concepts in a traditional classroom, then put those lessons into practice in the hybrid kitchen-classroom lab next-door. Lab sessions have ranged from making popcorn to clarifying consommé.
Before any of her students so much as touched a cutting board, Woodruff asked each of them to complete a 'who are you?' assignment detailing their background and cultural identity. In her classroom, flags representing each student's heritage line the walls, from Mexico to Vietnam, the Caribbean to the Middle East. Pan-African and Black American Heritage ethnic flags pay homage to Pike's largely Black student body.
Pike is a majority-minority school, meaning it has more non-white than white students. Woodruff said it's important to her that students from a variety of backgrounds can see a path toward a future in the food industry. As a female chef of color, she hopes to serve as a living proof.
'Children need, so badly, to see examples of how they can make a living,' she said.
From behind her desk, Woodruff runs the classroom not unlike a professional kitchen. When she finishes an instruction or needs to get her pupils' attention, she calls out, 'One knife,' to which her students respond in unison, 'One cut.'
Still, Woodruff is hardly a drill sergeant. She jokes that she gets along with kids because she too is childish, prone to scatter-brained moments or the occasional curse word. To some students, Woodruff's teaching style is less militant and more maternal.
"She feels like a mom to us," rising senior Aaliyah Grubbs said.
Grubbs and a few of her classmates compared their dynamic with Woodruff — "Chef O," to them — to their relationships with their own mothers.
"If I had a dollar for every time she said something my mom had said, word for word, I think I'd have like $250 by now," rising junior Justyce Toler said.
Patient with her pupils but equally willing to let them know when they're getting on her nerves, Woodruff has created an environment where students are not afraid to ask questions or make mistakes. Though not all of her students plan to pursue careers in culinary arts, those who do appreciate Woodruff's (mostly) no-nonsense preview of what to expect.
"She shows us tough love to show us what it's gonna be like in the real world, in case we decided to join (the food industry) as a career," Grubbs said. "There might be a head chef or somebody yelling at you, not because they want you to do bad but because they're trying to instruct you. You need to be able to tolerate it and not always be in your feelings.'
For students who don't necessarily want to work in kitchens, Woodruff's classes offer lessons in patience and preparation. As Woodruff said, "everybody gotta eat."
While food is, by necessity, part of everyone's life, Woodruff has recently reshaped her relationship with it substantially.
Woodruff is the first to point out that she has always been a larger person. She said she grew up fat but competed in softball in middle school and then in golf at Broad Ripple High School, earning a scholarship offer from Grambling State University in Louisiana (though she opted to stay in-state for college).
Then, in 2020, she hurt her knee. Shortly after she was diagnosed with osteoarthritis. For the first time in her life, Woodruff felt her weight was holding her back from doing what she wanted, as chronic pain plagued her every step. She tried unsuccessfully to lose weight through dieting and exercise but in May of last year underwent bariatric surgery to relieve the burden on her knee.
Woodruff, who weighed 420 pounds at her heaviest and about 385 the day of her surgery, said she never had heart disease, diabetes or other illnesses people tend to associate with obesity.
Eleven months after her surgery, she weighed about 235 pounds, a little more than half the size of her peak weight. The decision to undergo surgery wasn't born out of shame, Woodruff said. Very few things in her life are. She's never bought into the stereotype that fat people are lazy or somehow inferior to thinner people.
'There's so many things that the world tells fat folks,' she said. 'And I've never held onto any of that. 'Cause I am who I am.'
While Woodruff's feelings about her body haven't much changed, her body has made her change the way she feels about food. Bariatric surgery effectively shrinks one's stomach, triggering weight loss by limiting the amount one can eat. For someone like Woodruff whose life has largely centered around food, that brought a reckoning.
'I fall to food in so many ways,' Woodruff said. 'It's how I communicate to people, it's how I tell people I love them. It's how I tell other people about who I am as a person. I eat food, but I live food.'
And now, she teaches it. As Woodruff continues to sort out her 'complicated' relationship with food, she tries to help her students better understand it so they can at, the very least, nourish themselves. Though she occasionally still serves chowder or other seafood out of The TRAP on a pop-up basis, her focus lies in her classroom.
'Being a teenager in 2025 must be the toughest thing ever, dealing with the world and everything,' she said. 'I just try to give them as much love and support as I am able to. And it's a different kind of love and support than they're gonna get anywhere else.'
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Time Magazine
a day ago
- Time Magazine
How Ranked-Choice Voting in the New York City Mayoral Primary Works
Early voting is already underway in New York City's contentious Democratic primary for mayor ahead of the June 24 election. The last three mayoral elections in New York have been won by a Democratic candidate, meaning whoever wins the primary is likely to become the city's next mayor. Former Gov. Andrew Cuomo has long held a lead in primary polls, but state Assemblymember Zohran Mamdani has narrowed the gap in recent weeks with a surge in momentum. Voters will be able to rank multiple candidates on their ballots rather than just picking their top choice after the city adopted ranked-choice voting in a 2019 referendum. Eric Adams, who currently holds the position, is not in the Democratic race after he was charged with bribery, illegal campaign finance and conspiracy offenses in September 2024. Adams pleaded not guilty, and in April the charges were dropped by the Department of Justice. He is running for Mayor again this year as an Independent candidate. Alongside Adams and the eventual Democratic candidate, Republican Curtis Sliwa is running again after being defeated by Adams in 2021. Jim Walden, a former federal prosecutor, is also running as an Independent. Here's everything you need to know about who's running in the New York City Democratic primary—and how the voting works. Who is on the ballet—and what do they stand for? Cuomo, the frontrunner in the tightening race,has focused on affordability, security and housing on the campaign trail. Cuomo has said that he will increase the size of the police force by 15%, an estimated 5,000 extra officers, reduce income tax for some low-income households, and provide more affordable housing with more robust tenants rights. The 67-year-old has come under scrutiny from other candidates for scandals he faced as governor. He resigned from the position in 2021 after more than a dozen women made allegations of sexual harassment against him. Cuomo has denied ever inappropriately touching or propositioning anyone, though he apologized for comments he made in the workplace that he said 'may have been insensitive or too personal.' An investigation by the state attorney general's office found that he 'sexually harassed a number of current and former New York State employees' and 'created a hostile work environment for women.' In May, the Justice Department opened an investigation into Cuomo regarding his testimony on the City's handling of the COVID-19 pandemic as governor. Mamdani, the Assemblymember who has recently been rising in the polls,has focused his campaign on the cost of living, using the slogan 'A City We Can Afford.' Mamdani, a democratic socialist, has said that he will freeze rent increases across New York, provide fare-free buses, provide free childcare to those aged six weeks to 5 years old, and establish non-profit grocery stores run by the City. The youngest candidate in the primaries at 33, Mamdani has faced criticism for some remarks on the Israel-Hamas war, including when he appeared to defend the slogan 'globalize the intifada.' Mamdani has denied allegations of antisemitism, while also speaking about the Islamophobia he has experienced in his career. When questioned on whether he believes Israel has the right to exist, he replied: "I believe Israel has the right to exist … as a state with equal rights.' New York City Comptroller Brad Lander, whose arrest at an immigration courthouse last week thrust him into the national spotlight, is also running in the Democratic primary, focusing on safety and affordability, as well as ' Standing up to Donald Trump.' Lander has said he aims to end homelessness for those with serious mental health issues with a policy he says will put people in stable housing 70-90% of the time. Lander also says that he will build 500,000 new housing units and 'cut through red tape' for more affordable housing, plus improve transport efficiency. The city comptroller was arrested on Tuesday, June 17, at a New York courthouse as he was escorting a migrant man who agents from Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE) were seeking to detain, becoming the latest of several elected officials across the country to confront federal authorities over President Donald Trump's immigration crackdown. Lander and Mamdani have cross-endorsed each other, urging their supporters to rank the other second on their ballots. Adrienne Adams, Assemblymember for New York's 28th district and Speaker of the New York City Council, is also in the running. Adams, like other candidates, has put her focus on affordability and housing in New York. She has said she will continue to push for more housing construction and affordable housing, as well as investment in law enforcement and other programs to try and prevent crime before it happens. Similarly to Mamdani and Lander, Adams has hit out against Trump in her campaign. The Assemblymember says on her website that she has already worked to 'Trump-proof NYC' and will keep the President—who she says 'threatens everything that makes us New York'—in check if she is elected Mayor.. Other candidates in the race who have garnered lower support in recent polls are former Vice Chair of the Democratic National Committee Michael Blake, New York State Senator Zellnor Myrie, New York State Senator Jessica Ramos, former New York Comptroller Scott Stringer, and investor Whitney Tilson. How does ranked-choice voting actually work? Ranked-choice voting allows voters to rank multiple candidates in order of their preference, putting their preferred choices first, then second, then third and so forth. In New York City, the method is used for Special and Primary Elections for Mayor, as well as in Public Advocate, Comptroller, Borough President, and City Council elections. Adopted in 2019, it was first used in 2021. Voters in the Democratic mayoral primaries are able to rank their top five candidates, but are not required to fill all five slots. If a candidate gets over 50% first-choice votes, they win. But if not, the candidate with the fewest votes is eliminated as votes are counted in subsequent rounds. For voters who put the last-place candidate as their first choice, their second choice is then counted. This process of elimination continues until there is a majority winner. While this is the process for New York, the system varies from state to state where ranked-choice voting has been adopted. What are the advantages and disadvantages of ranked-choice voting? Nonpartizan organization FairVote says that this voting system eliminates a few issues, such as 'vote-splitting,' in which similar candidates can draw votes away from each other. FairVote argues that ranked choice means voters can support multiple candidates, and their vote is still represented if their first choice is eliminated. It also encourages cross endorsing, such as with Mamdani and Lander, giving voters an idea of like-minded candidates. RankedVote, a software company that advocates for the system, argues that voters' opinions are heard throughout the process and are more represented. 'Once there's more than two candidates in a typical 'most votes wins' election, it's very easy for the 'winner' to have a weak plurality of support. It's entirely possible that the winning candidate only commands 38% of the vote when a majority of the electorate would have preferred someone else,' the company argues. However, a voting system different from what the public are used to could cause confusion. Democratic political strategist Hank Sheinkopf said that the system could benefit voters more educated on voting procedures. Ranked-choice voting also allows for scenarios in which the candidate with the most first-choice votes still loses. This occurred in the 2018 House election for Maine's second district, in which Democratic candidate Jared Golden received 131,954 first-choice votes, compared to Republican Bruce Poliquin's 134,061. However, due to the ranked-choice process, Golden won by almost 3,000 votes. What other states use ranked choice voting? The system is used in 17 different states across the U.S. in a number of different state and local elections. In Arkansas, Louisiana, Mississippi, Alabama, Georgia, and South Carolina, it is also used for military and overseas voters. In Maine, the system is used in primary and general elections for the presidency, Senate, and House elections, including the aforementioned 2018 election, as well as in statewide and state assembly primaries. In Alaska, it is also used statewide for general elections.


Los Angeles Times
a day ago
- Los Angeles Times
As Los Angeles faces budget crisis, legal payouts skyrocket
The amount of money that the city of Los Angeles pays annually for police misconduct, trip and falls, and other lawsuits has ballooned, rising from $64 million a decade ago to $254 million last year and $289 million this fiscal year. The reasons are complicated, ranging from aging sidewalks to juries' tendency to award larger judgments to possible shifts in legal strategy at the city attorney's office to an increase in the sheer number of lawsuits against the city. The biggest chunk of payouts over the past five years were for 'dangerous conditions' — lawsuits singling out faulty city infrastructure, such as broken elevators — at 32%, followed by civil rights violations and unlawful uses of force at 18%, and traffic collisions involving city vehicles also at 18%. City officials have cited the legal payouts as a significant factor in a nearly $1-billion budget shortfall for fiscal year 2025-26 that was closed with layoffs and other spending cuts. City Atty. Hydee Feldstein Soto, who took office in December 2022, heads the office that defends the city against lawsuits. In an interview with The Times and public appearances throughout the city, Feldstein Soto cited a backlog of cases from the COVID-19 pandemic, when courts were barely moving, that were settled or went to trial in recent years. 'Structured settlements' negotiated by her predecessor, Mike Feuer, which are paid out annually rather than in one lump sum, have also contributed to the tab, she said. Feldstein Soto also said she believes juries are increasingly antagonistic to city governments, resulting in larger verdicts. Feuer said in an interview that the city was entering into structured settlements before he took office, and he does not believe he increased their use. To explain the rise in legal liability payouts during his tenure — from about $40 million in 2013 to about $91 million in 2022 — Feuer cited a lack of investment in city infrastructure like streets and sidewalks during the 2008 financial crisis. In public appearances, Feldstein Soto has sometimes blamed plaintiffs for trying to get financial compensation for what she characterized as risky behavior or interpersonal disputes. Speaking to the Sherman Oaks Homeowners Association earlier this year, she said that two types of lawsuits — 'dangerous conditions' lawsuits and those brought by city employees over working conditions — are ripe for abuse. Some employees who sue the city simply don't like their bosses, Feldstein Soto said, citing a lawsuit by an LAPD captain, Stacey Vince, who alleged that higher-ups retaliated against her after she complained about her boss. Vince was awarded $10.1 million by a jury, and the city subsequently settled the case for just under $6 million. Feldstein Soto also described one man who sued the city as an 'idiot.' The man was riding his electric scooter without a helmet, Feldstein Soto said, when he crashed on an uneven sidewalk and into a nearby tree, suffering a traumatic brain injury. According to Feldstein Soto, taxpayers ultimately pay the price for these lawsuits. 'Please understand that every dollar you award is your money,' she said. The number of lawsuits filed against the city has risen each year since the pandemic, from 1,131 in 2021 to 1,560 in 2024. At the same time, the average amount the city pays per case has increased dramatically, from under $50,000 in 2022 to $132,180 in 2024. A contributing factor is the increase in payouts of least $1 million, with 17 such cases in 2022 and 39 in 2024. (The city counts settlements or jury verdicts in the fiscal year they are paid out, not when the dollar amount is decided.) From July 2024 to March 2025, the city paid $1 million or more in 51 lawsuits. Feldstein Soto said these 'nuclear verdicts' cut deep into the city budget and could raise payouts for similar cases in the future. Total annual payouts in police misconduct cases jumped from $15 million in 2020 to $50 million in 2024. Dangerous conditions cases rose from around $41 million in 2020 to about $84 million in 2024. Earlier this year, the city paid $21 million to plaintiffs in a series of lawsuits related to a botched LAPD bomb squad fireworks detonation that injured more than 20 people and displaced many residents. Also this year, the city paid out a $17.7-million verdict to the family of a man with mental health issues killed by an off-duty LAPD officer. This coming fiscal year, the city increased its allocation for liability payouts from about $87 million to $187 million — far less than what it has been paying in recent years — out of a $14-billion budget. City Councilmember Eunisses Hernandez, who chairs the council's public works committee, said the rising payouts stem in part from the city's long-term lack of investment in infrastructure. The city spent about 10% of its overall budget on streets and other public works last year — substantially less than it spent on police, said Hernandez, who favors a smaller LAPD. 'As a city, we don't invest in the maintenance of our city,' she said. 'I have felt like I've been screaming into the void about some of these things.' In one lawsuit paid out this year, the city agreed to give $3 million to a man who tripped over a slightly uneven sidewalk and suffered a traumatic brain injury. Last April, the city reached a $21-million settlement with a man whose skull was broken by a street lamp part that fell on him. The city had gone to trial, with a jury awarding the man $22 million, but the parties eventually settled for the slightly lower amount. 'I believe the driving force is the delays and lack of maintenance of the city that has caused an increase in such incidents,' said Arash Zabetian, a lawyer for the man hit by the streetlight. Some plaintiffs' attorneys say that Feldstein Soto's legal strategies are contributing to the rising liability costs. They assert that she is taking more cases to trial, resulting in larger verdicts than if she had settled. Matthew McNicholas, an attorney who often sues the city on behalf of police officers, said he recently went to trial in five cases and won all of them, for a total payout of more than $40 million. He would have been happy to settle all five cases for a total of less than $10 million, he said. One of the lawsuits, which ended with a $13-million verdict, was filed by two male officers accused of drawing a penis on a suspect's abdomen. The officers alleged that higher-ups did not cast the same suspicion on their female colleagues. In another of the lawsuits, a whistleblower alleged that he was punished for highlighting problems in the LAPD Bomb Detection K-9 Section. A jury also awarded him $13 million. 'It's not a tactic to say we're going to play hardball. It's just stupid,' McNicholas said. 'I am frustrated because she goes and blames my clients and runaway juries for her problems.' Greg Smith, another plaintiffs' attorney, said he has also noticed a tendency at Feldstein Soto's office to push cases to trial. 'Everything is a fight,' Smith said. 'I have been suing the city for 30 years, and this has been the worst administration with respect to trying to settle cases.' Feldstein Soto said her office settles 'every case we can.' 'It's in nobody's interest to go to trial. It's a waste of resources,' she said. 'But we will not settle cases where we don't think we're liable or where the demand is unreasonable.' To stem the flood of large payouts, Feldstein Soto is looking to Sacramento for help, proposing a bill that would cap lawsuits against California cities at $1 million or three times the economic losses caused by an incident, whichever is greater. Caps on damages exist already in 38 states, according to Feldstein Soto's office. She has yet to find a state legislator to sponsor the bill.

Miami Herald
2 days ago
- Miami Herald
Lab owner gets 7 years in prison for faking COVID-19 test results
June 19 (UPI) -- The owner of a Chicago laboratory was sentenced to seven years in prison for his role in a $14 million scheme of falsifying COVID-19 test results. Zishan, Alvi, 46 of Inverness, Ill., was sentenced Wednesday for the scheme and was ordered to pay $14 million in illegitimate taxpayer-backed payments. The fraud involved releasing negative test results to patients, even when the laboratory had not conducted the tests, or the results had been diluted by Alvi to save on costs. U.S. District Judge John Tharp sentenced Alvi and called his actions "fraud on a massive scale," and said how it also put the public in unsafe circumstances when they were seeking reassurance through testing. "People were scrambling to get tested for COVID because they didn't want to imperil the safety and health of the people they cared about," Tharp said. "A negative test was like a passport, 'You know, I tested negative. I can go see my grandma, I can go see my children with their newborn baby.' These were people who depended on that report to govern what they could safely do and not do." Alvi knew the laboratory was faking results, but Alvi still reported it back to the Health and Human Services' Health Resources and Services Administration, prosecutors said. Alvi stood at the lectern before he was sentenced and told the judge how he was "filled with remorse and a deep sense of regret" for his "selfish decisions." "I should never have put profits ahead of the job we intended to do for the public," Alvi said, as several relatives wiped tears from their eyes in the courtroom gallery. "I should have put the people first." Copyright 2025 UPI News Corporation. All Rights Reserved.