logo
‘No problem,' says Joburg as R1bn tender goes to officials' families or friends

‘No problem,' says Joburg as R1bn tender goes to officials' families or friends

Daily Maverick08-06-2025

The City of Johannesburg defends the award of massive transport contracts to politically connected families, despite concerns from the Auditor-General and civic watchdogs
A week after Auditor-General revealed that the City of Johannesburg had awarded R972-million in dodgy family-linked tenders, city spokesperson Nthatisi Modingoane has confirmed that the metro government sees no problem and will not investigate.
Six awards (or contracts) valued at almost R1-billion were made to the family of either a city official or councillor for the extension of the BRT/Rea Vaya bus system in 2023. The extension of the city transport service is eight years behind schedule, and a final deadline for the end of 2024 was also missed.
'There is no regulatory provision that prohibits the Municipality to award contracts to the category of people in question (spouse, child or parent of a person in service of state either actively or in the past twelve months). Therefore, the question whether the City failed in oversight and due diligence is misplaced,' said Modingoane.
The Auditor-General has a different view.
'Although there is no legislation that prohibits municipalities from making awards to suppliers in which close family members or business associates of employees or councillors have an interest, such awards create conflicts of interest for these employees or councillors and/or their close family members or business associates. The possibility of undue influence cannot be discounted, especially if the person could have influenced the procurement processes for these awards, potentially creating opportunities for irregularities.'
While Modingoane confirmed the awards were made for the BRT/Rea Vaya extension, he would not provide further details. He said the connected council official had not sat in on the award decision.
Asked if the award would be rescinded or investigated, Modingoane said, 'To rescind such an award will be unlawful and the Municipality will be exposed to litigation risks as a result'. He said that the transactions had been disclosed in the city's annual financial statements as required by law, and no further investigation was necessary.
BRT-Rea Vaya veers off track
When cities commit to ending spatial inequality (which means that poor black people live on the outskirts while the middle and wealthy classes live in the city near opportunities and amenities), there are two ways to do so: provide transport for workers to get to economic opportunities or increase social housing near jobs.
In Johannesburg, the rapid bus transport system was an innovative idea to mediate apartheid planning by making it cheap, easy and fast for workers living on the city's outskirts to go into town, to where they worked, or to get around.
The city, which began as a gold mining town, was built along the ultimate apartheid master plan. Black people were housed in dormitory towns and suburbs far out of the white city in enclaves easily controlled by security forces if they resisted – the violent response to the 1976 student rebellion was the obvious example of how it worked.
The BRT/Rea Vaya incorporates the taxi industry and co-owns two companies that run the system, PioTrans and Litsamaiso. The city pays BRT/Rea Vaya for trips made. The system has not been without conflict, especially with PioTrans.
Its expansion to the north (the so-called Phase 1C) of the project has fallen prey to serial infrastructure and leadership weaknesses that beset local government, which Maluleke highlighted. The city has expanded north, and job opportunities are increasingly available in the new nodes. Phase 1C would almost double the number of buses and take people to where the opportunities are.
But new stations lie dormant as delays have repeatedly impacted on roll-out. The weaknesses include corruption (as the R972-million contracts suggest), institutional capacity, effective project governance, ineffective planning, procurement and contract management weaknesses and a lack of accountability for poor performance.
Maluleke's report lays bare all these factors. Phase 1C is eight years behind schedule, and the Johannesburg Development Agency (JDA) missed a pledge to get it running by the end of 2024.
Daily Maverick regularly tracks the route to check, and progress is still far from complete. This detracts from the effort to end spatial inequality and get young people into jobs — Gauteng and Johannesburg have among the highest youth unemployment rates. Because it is subsidised, trips on the Rea Vaya are cheaper than other forms of public transport.
Intervention delivers little
Johannesburg is under soft intervention by the Presidency because of its rapidly collapsing infrastructure and services, but after 100 days, most residents say the impacts on the ground are imperceptible. In the past week, there have been multiday water cuts in the east of the city and power outages in the near west and across the inner city as underground fires roar through cabling.
Last week, Mayor Dada Morero launched a 'bomb squad' to help him improve city management.
MMC for Transport Kenny Kunene said, 'I have not heard anything about it (the R972-million dodgy tenders).' He said he would investigate and revealed that when he started his job in 2021, R23-million had been stolen from the BRT and officials had been suspended, but reinstated after the ANC intervened. He had ensured they exited as part of an anti-corruption plan, he told Daily Maverick.
Failing management
Johannesburg's audit outcome was unqualified with findings. (For context: the board of a private sector CEO of a company with a budget of R88-billion – Joburg's budget – would sack a CEO for this outcome.)
The city lost R2.9-billion in water and R4.93 billion in electricity. Auditors ensured city finance officials reduced fruitless and wasteful expenditure to R1.48-million in 2023/24. Over the past three years, this figure stood at R354-million. The AG said the quality of its submitted statements was poor, but good on publication after remediation. The quality of its performance reports was poor. The overall status of its financial controls was poor.
The BRT/Rea Vaya delays symbolise this failing management. The AG also found that 'The City of Johannesburg did not coordinate effectively with its entities. This was due to misalignment between the metro and its entities on expectations and plans, obligations, budgets and timelines for the successful delivery of key projects.'
The DA has lodged a formal complaint with the Special Investigating Unit over the R1-billion in awards to companies that are linked to current and former councillors, said its head of caucus, Belinda Kayser-Echeozonjoku.
'This shocking report paints a grim picture of a city where public money is seemingly treated as a personal piggy bank by those elected to serve it. At a time when Joburg's streets are crumbling, power outages are the norm and basic service delivery is in freefall, it is unacceptable that councillors may be benefiting from a broken procurement system.'
Risk is that nothing will be done – Corruption Watch
'The worrying thing is that it is a sizeable amount – it may be six officials (or six awards to one official) or their relatives who cost Joburg residents just under R1-billion.
'The official response is quite disturbing. The biggest risk is that nothing will be done, and another big transport infrastructure is threatened. Metro governments are regressing in terms of their reports to the Auditor-General,' said Moepeng Talane of Corruption Watch, who assesses all AG reports for the organisation.
'It's worrying and urgently needs the intervention of the provincial governments,' she said. DM

Orange background

Try Our AI Features

Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:

Comments

No comments yet...

Related Articles

The ethical blind spots in SA's unemployment stats
The ethical blind spots in SA's unemployment stats

IOL News

time3 hours ago

  • IOL News

The ethical blind spots in SA's unemployment stats

South Africa's high unemployment also stands out globally. The writer says South Africa's metrics function as biopolitical instruments that perpetuate apartheid-era exclusion by rendering Black economic agency statistically non-existent. Image: File THIS opinion piece responds to former Statistician-General Pali Lehohla's article Debating the Labour Force Survey – A Response to Fourie's Critique. It serves as a rebuttal to his critique of my earlier article, Why Capitec's CEO Is Forcing SA to Rethink Its Unemployment Narrative, in which I argued that South Africa's unemployment figures fail to reflect the lived economic realities of the majority Black population. Lehohla claims that my article has 'amplified the debate' and insists on setting the record straight before it spirals into misinformation and speculation. However, my article did not reject StatsSA data outright. Instead, I argued that South Africa's high unemployment statistics are shaped by a biopolitical statistical system that invisibly erases informal economic activity and Black labour. This is largely due to restrictive measurement methodologies and the active suppression of the informal sector, unlike in other developing countries. I proposed the adoption of hybrid metrics and structural reforms to more accurately capture and support this vital, yet uncounted, segment of the economy. My stance aligns with UCT economist Haroon Bhorat, who engages constructively with Fourie's arguments rather than dismissing them entirely. Lehohla, however, dismisses Fourie's estimate of a 10% unemployment rate — based on informal economic activity — as 'abracadabra', 'lying', and the rant of a 'random businessman who profits from Black communities'. His anger masks a deeper crisis: South Africa's economic measurement system, though methodologically sound, is philosophically ill-equipped to account for the informal, digital, and survivalist nature of the majority-Black workforce. Video Player is loading. Play Video Play Unmute Current Time 0:00 / Duration -:- Loaded : 0% Stream Type LIVE Seek to live, currently behind live LIVE Remaining Time - 0:00 This is a modal window. Beginning of dialog window. Escape will cancel and close the window. Text Color White Black Red Green Blue Yellow Magenta Cyan Transparency Opaque Semi-Transparent Background Color Black White Red Green Blue Yellow Magenta Cyan Transparency Opaque Semi-Transparent Transparent Window Color Black White Red Green Blue Yellow Magenta Cyan Transparency Transparent Semi-Transparent Opaque Font Size 50% 75% 100% 125% 150% 175% 200% 300% 400% Text Edge Style None Raised Depressed Uniform Dropshadow Font Family Proportional Sans-Serif Monospace Sans-Serif Proportional Serif Monospace Serif Casual Script Small Caps Reset restore all settings to the default values Done Close Modal Dialog End of dialog window. Advertisement Video Player is loading. Play Video Play Unmute Current Time 0:00 / Duration -:- Loaded : 0% Stream Type LIVE Seek to live, currently behind live LIVE Remaining Time - 0:00 This is a modal window. Beginning of dialog window. Escape will cancel and close the window. Text Color White Black Red Green Blue Yellow Magenta Cyan Transparency Opaque Semi-Transparent Background Color Black White Red Green Blue Yellow Magenta Cyan Transparency Opaque Semi-Transparent Transparent Window Color Black White Red Green Blue Yellow Magenta Cyan Transparency Transparent Semi-Transparent Opaque Font Size 50% 75% 100% 125% 150% 175% 200% 300% 400% Text Edge Style None Raised Depressed Uniform Dropshadow Font Family Proportional Sans-Serif Monospace Sans-Serif Proportional Serif Monospace Serif Casual Script Small Caps Reset restore all settings to the default values Done Close Modal Dialog End of dialog window. Next Stay Close ✕ Lehohla defends StatsSA's unemployment figures based on their adherence to International Labour Organisation (ILO) standards and the Quarterly Labour Force Survey (QLFS). Yet, I argue that this technical rigour obscures vast swaths of economic activity. For instance, a township hairdresser or street vendor without formal records becomes statistically invisible. This creates a profound ethical issue: stark racial disparities in unemployment, with Black South Africans facing an expanded unemployment rate of 40%, compared to just 7% for white South Africans. South Africa's high unemployment also stands out globally. Countries like Mexico (55% informal, 4.5% unemployment) and Nigeria (85% informal, 3.34% unemployment) include self-reported informal work in their statistics. In contrast, South Africa's metrics function as biopolitical instruments that perpetuate apartheid-era exclusion by rendering Black economic agency statistically non-existent. Bhorat notes that UCT's Development Policy Research Unit (DPRU) consistently shows South Africa having one of the highest unemployment rates globally (33.6%), but also one of the lowest informality rates (about 16.3%). He highlights how most emerging economies address unemployment not by creating more formal jobs, but by allowing informal work to flourish. DPRU research further suggests that South Africa's unusually high unemployment is not primarily due to poor job growth or strict labour laws, but because our economy actively suppresses the informal sector. My advice to DPRU is not to shy away from confronting the moral failures or societal consequences that their data may obscure. Lehohla's refusal to engage meaningfully illustrates the difficulty of escaping the grip of orthodox economics and its limitations. Orthodox economics treats the economy — and by extension, social life — as a predictable machine operating in equilibrium. When official statistics diverge from lived experiences, the social contract built on citizens sharing data begins to erode, revealing a deep crisis within the discipline of economics. Unlike Adam Smith — who grounded market value in ethics and social relations in The Theory of Moral Sentiments — modern economics has severed this moral root, prioritising abstract mathematical models over real-world complexity. Joseph Stiglitz warns that GDP-centric metrics obscure true well-being. Persistent youth unemployment amidst trillions of rands in township transactions is not merely an error — it reflects a flawed measurement paradigm. Kenneth Boulding adds that modern economics builds on classical works like The Wealth of Nations and Das Kapital, which contain unrealised 'evolutionary potential' absent in contemporary models. He cautions that excluding economic history from graduate education produces 'idiots savant' — technically proficient economists who lack institutional understanding and historical insight. A balanced synthesis of modern analytical tools and classical wisdom can help bridge this divide, fostering critical engagement with economics as both a technical and humanistic discipline. Lehohla's defence rests on rigid positivism — the belief in the 'holy' authority of statistical processes — yet this glosses over the ethical roots of economic thought. For Smith, wealth was defined by the ability to command others' labour — a social relationship, not a cold data point. Modern economics, however, has decoupled itself from these normative foundations. As Stiglitz points out, most metrics conceal inequality and human suffering, reducing development to arithmetic rather than justice. This philosophical drift is evident in South Africa: while StatsSA reports rising unemployment, Capitec Bank documents over R2 trillion in township transactions — a vibrant economic reality invisible to official instruments. This disconnect signals a deeper crisis in economics. Equilibrium models and optimisation problems eclipse historical nuance, cultural dynamics, and power relations. Boulding warned of this technocratic drift, describing modern economists as technicians fluent in calculus but blind to social texture. In a direct response to me, Lehohla stated: 'There is no legacy to protect on my part, Bhungane (my totem), nor language to polish. When a lie is told, there is no reason to give it a different word. It is simply a 'lie,' and when an argument does not make sense, it is called nonsense in the English language, and when nonsense is given wheels and wings to fly, it is called 'rubbish.' Those who wish to opine should do so from research rather than from a hailer.' While I may not use his hyperbolic or confrontational language, I am neither uninformed nor inexperienced in public discourse. I have an academic and policy track record that makes me far more than 'a hailer.' As many have rightly pointed out, shouting or using aggressive language does not strengthen an argument. We must allow space for multiple viewpoints to ensure inclusive policymaking around poverty, inequality, land reform, and unemployment. Finally, Lehohla attributes South Africa's unique unemployment situation to two key factors: agricultural activity tied to land ownership and high levels of economic concentration. He argues that these factors challenge simplistic international comparisons and emphasise the centrality of the land question in shaping employment outcomes. No. Lehohla is deliberately conflating issues to obscure the fact that his revered unemployment metrics miss the ethical forest for the numerical trees. Siyayibanga le economy! * Siyabonga Hadebe is an independent commentator based in Geneva on socio-economic, political and global matters. ** The views expressed here do not reflect those of the Sunday Independent, Independent Media, or IOL. Get the real story on the go: Follow the Sunday Independent on WhatsApp.

Mahlatse Lekwadu's journey in the mining supply industry
Mahlatse Lekwadu's journey in the mining supply industry

IOL News

time12 hours ago

  • IOL News

Mahlatse Lekwadu's journey in the mining supply industry

Mahlatse Lekwadu stands as a beacon of resilience and empowerment in the male-dominated mining and industrial supply sector, proving that limitations can indeed become the foundations of strength. Image: Supplied. At 52 years old, Mahlatse Lekwadu stands as a beacon of resilience and empowerment in the male-dominated mining and industrial supply sector, proving that limitations can indeed become the foundations of strength. Based in Steelpoort, Limpopo, her enterprise, Magadine Business Enterprise (Pty) Ltd, has flourished over its seven-year journey, demonstrating how a woman living with a neurological disorder can not only overcome significant challenges but also challenge the status quo on inclusivity and representation. Growing up in Bothashoek village and later Burgersfort, Mahlatse's background has shaped her determination. Her early schooling at Madinoge Primary School and Mmiditsi Secondary School laid a foundational belief that education and perseverance can lead to possibilities beyond one's immediate circumstances. 'I don't have a dis-ability—I have a different-ability,' she proudly declares, embodying a narrative that redefines limitations into potentials. The road to entrepreneurship, however, was fraught with obstacles, particularly for a woman entering an industrial sector predominantly seen through the lens of male leadership. Video Player is loading. Play Video Play Unmute Current Time 0:00 / Duration -:- Loaded : 0% Stream Type LIVE Seek to live, currently behind live LIVE Remaining Time - 0:00 This is a modal window. Beginning of dialog window. Escape will cancel and close the window. Text Color White Black Red Green Blue Yellow Magenta Cyan Transparency Opaque Semi-Transparent Background Color Black White Red Green Blue Yellow Magenta Cyan Transparency Opaque Semi-Transparent Transparent Window Color Black White Red Green Blue Yellow Magenta Cyan Transparency Transparent Semi-Transparent Opaque Font Size 50% 75% 100% 125% 150% 175% 200% 300% 400% Text Edge Style None Raised Depressed Uniform Dropshadow Font Family Proportional Sans-Serif Monospace Sans-Serif Proportional Serif Monospace Serif Casual Script Small Caps Reset restore all settings to the default values Done Close Modal Dialog End of dialog window. Advertisement Video Player is loading. Play Video Play Unmute Current Time 0:00 / Duration -:- Loaded : 0% Stream Type LIVE Seek to live, currently behind live LIVE Remaining Time - 0:00 This is a modal window. Beginning of dialog window. Escape will cancel and close the window. Text Color White Black Red Green Blue Yellow Magenta Cyan Transparency Opaque Semi-Transparent Background Color Black White Red Green Blue Yellow Magenta Cyan Transparency Opaque Semi-Transparent Transparent Window Color Black White Red Green Blue Yellow Magenta Cyan Transparency Transparent Semi-Transparent Opaque Font Size 50% 75% 100% 125% 150% 175% 200% 300% 400% Text Edge Style None Raised Depressed Uniform Dropshadow Font Family Proportional Sans-Serif Monospace Sans-Serif Proportional Serif Monospace Serif Casual Script Small Caps Reset restore all settings to the default values Done Close Modal Dialog End of dialog window. Next Stay Close ✕ From 2018 to 2021, Magadine operated under a subcontract, limiting her ability to establish a firm foothold in the market. Financial constraints made starting the business exceedingly difficult; reliance on loans from family and friends, combined with personal credit, were the pillars upon which her dream began to materialise. For the initial three years, Mahlatse and her team operated out of her garage—a setting that often starkly contrasted the ambitious visions she held for her company. Accessibility, also, posed a significant barrier. Factors such as inadequate infrastructure and the complexities of navigating vendor registration in the mining sector often left Mahlatse feeling disheartened. 'Getting registered as a vendor was a drawn-out process,' she recounts. 'I had to persistently send daily emails until we secured our vendor number.' Yet, through determination and an unyielding spirit, Mahlatse has gained tender opportunities, establishing relationships with industry giants like Glencore Eastern Mine and Lion Smelter. Today, as Magadine Business Enterprise continues to thrive, Mahlatse remains unyielding in her commitment to uplift fellow women and individuals with disabilities. This passion for mentorship and nurturing young talent comes from her aspiration for a better future, especially for her children. 'I take joy in mentoring others and continuously learning from the youth,' she affirms. However, the journey is not without its current challenges. Finding a reliable marketing consultant has proven complicated; unfortunately, not everyone has upheld the responsibilities required. "We are looking for a passionate marketer who can take Magadine Business to the next level,' she states—her resolve as strong as ever. Mahlatse Lekwadu's story is not merely about business triumph; it is a profound statement about resilience, inclusion, and the drive for economic empowerment. As she continues to navigate both the complexities of entrepreneurship and the brewing storms of personal challenges, her journey will undoubtedly inspire countless others, paving the way for future generations in the mining and industrial sectors—a field where representation is essential yet often lacking. BUSINESS REPORT Visit:

Multi-billion Limpopo mega-project has ground to a halt
Multi-billion Limpopo mega-project has ground to a halt

The Citizen

time12 hours ago

  • The Citizen

Multi-billion Limpopo mega-project has ground to a halt

Makhado Special Economic Zone, announced in 2018, was intended to attract investments of R40-billion. The mega industrial project in the Musina Makhado Special Economic Zone has ground to a halt. Photos: supplied by Living Limpopo The Musina Makhado Special Economic Zone in Limpopo, announced in 2018 by President Cyril Ramaphosa, was intended to attract investments of more than R40-billion. But seven years later, the project has all but ground to a halt. Only one company has made a firm commitment to invest. Though more than R100-million has been spent, there are no roads, electricity or water connections; and the company contracted to build roads has terminated the contract. However, the chair of the board says a turnaround plan is in place and construction on the first infrastructure projects will start in September. Seven years after its launch by President Cyril Ramaphosa, the multi-billion Musina Makhado Special Economic Zone (MMSEZ) in Limpopo is at a standstill. R67.5-million has been spent on consultants and R50-million on roads and infrastructure. But there is no infrastructure, no electricity connection, no roads and no water. Described on its website as 'a flagship of the Limpopo Provincial Government' the MMSEZ is 'a green field investment platform consisting of two sites' – Artonvilla, near Musina, intended for light manufacturing, and Mopani, near Makhado, intended for heavy industry. The zone claims to offer 'state of the art logistics facilities promoting operational excellence' But though the MMSEZ was touted to bring in R40-billion in investments, so far only one company has made a firm commitment to invest. ALSO READ: Revival of job-creating initiative in Limpopo A report by the chair of the MMSEZ board, Nndweleni Mphephu, to the Limpopo Economic Development, Environment and Tourism department, shows how little has happened in what was to be a mega industrial park in the heart of the Limpopo Valley. The report, dated 28 May, follows questions in Parliament and an oversight visit to the area by members of the Limpopo Economic Development, Environment and Tourism portfolio committee. According to the Minister of Trade Industry and Competition Parks Tau, R2.27-billion would be needed for bulk infrastructure on the site, and R1.07-billion had been set aside between 2020/1 and 2026/7 in the provincial budget. In response to a question in Parliament in May from the DA's Toby Chance, Tau added that the DTIC's Industrial Zones Programme was helping the MMSEZ with advisory support. Some of the money has already been spent, much of it on consultants. In his report, Mphephu gives a list of consultants, service providers and contractors who have benefited to date. Spending of just over R85.2-million was approved for consultants, of which just over R67.5-million has already been paid to 17 consultants, including engineers, planners, quantity surveyors, project managers and horticulturists. Just under R40-million has been paid to service providers, including Eskom. ALSO READ: Limpopo's special economic zones expected to create 21,000 jobs According to the report, three contractors have so far benefited, including Tshiamiso Trading 1 and Tshiamiso Trading 2, which received a R200-million contract for roads and stormwater infrastructure and a R99.3-million contract for bulk sewer and wastewater treatment works. A contract for R134-million was awarded to Rembu Construction, also for the construction of bulk sewer and wastewater treatment works. But though some earthworks have been done by Tshiamiso on the northern site, there are no finished roads, electricity or water on either site. After being paid just over R50.4-million, Tshiamiso had to stop work on the northern site, after beginning bush-clearing, because the land belonged to a different organ of state and transfer had to take place first, the report says. Tshiamiso has now terminated the contract and is claiming more money from the MMSEZ, citing non-payment for standing time. This dispute is currently in litigation. Tshiamiso Trading is also accused of unlawfully removing white rock materials from another site to the MMSEZ site without the owner's consent or any formal agreement or compensation. ALSO READ: Limpopo unveils R1.8 billion budget boost for economic development The MMSEZ southern site was gazetted as a Special Economic Zone in 2017, but it turns out that the northern site at Artonvilla has yet to be gazetted, according to a response by Tau to a question in Parliament. Tau said the Limpopo government had indicated it would submit a request before the end of June 2025 to gazette the northern site. In his report, Mphephu noted fierce 'oppositions, dissenting views and pushbacks' mostly from environmental groups, over the southern site. Some of these were challenging the Environmental Impact Assessment in the Polokwane High Court. But in the absence of an interdict, the report says, 'all activities leading to the development, including township establishment processes are expected to proceed.' Tshiamiso Trading is one of the contractors which has been paid. When President Cyril Ramaphosa publicly announced the MMSEZ in September 2018 following his return from the Forum for Africa and China Cooperation, it came with the promise of an initial investment value of more than R40-billion. To date, little of that money appears to have materialised. ALSO READ: It's war on power, water theft to save Limpopo economic zones Responding to questions in Parliament in May, Tau gave a list of investment pledges amounting to more than R8.64-billion, of which R2.1-billion has been verified and validated from eight prospective investors. But according to the report, only the China-based Kinetic Development Group has come to the party, with a R16-billion promise of a ferrochrome smelter on the southern site, once township development on the site is approved, and subject to EIA approvals. If investors do come, one of the biggest questions will be: where is the water going to come from in this semi-arid area? The MMSEZ has approached the Water Services Authority (Vhembe) and the catchment management agency (the Department of Water and Sanitation, DWS) in the region to determine whether they have capacity, either from treated or raw water, to supply the developments. According to the report, Vhembe agreed to provide the MMSEZ with some of its allocation for raw water to kickstart development on the northern site. The DWS said treated water could be brought from Zimbabwe by pipeline for the future development of the site. 'For the south, a few boreholes were drilled in order to start the development of the site. For further development, a pipeline needs to be built to connect to the bulk pipeline from Zimbabwe. Furthermore, two dams are earmarked to be constructed in future to specifically provide water to the site as it grows,' the report says. According to the report, the MMSEZ has now implemented a 'turnaround plan' including a review of the design of roads and stormwater. A division of the Industrial Development Corporation has been appointed as implementing agent, with four professional engineers assigned to the MMEZ full-time. Construction on the first projects will start in September, the report says. This article is published in association with the Limpopo Mirror/Zoutpansberger. Correction on 2025-06-19 09:53 This article has been amended to clarify that the visit to the site was by members of the Limpopo Economic Development, Environment and Tourism portfolio committee, not by MPs. This article was republished from GroundUp. Read the original here.

DOWNLOAD THE APP

Get Started Now: Download the App

Ready to dive into a world of global content with local flavor? Download Daily8 app today from your preferred app store and start exploring.
app-storeplay-store