logo
India, Maldives share longstanding relationship built on mutual trust and confidence: Indian envoy

India, Maldives share longstanding relationship built on mutual trust and confidence: Indian envoy

The Print27-05-2025

Talking about India's contributions to the Maldives' development, he highlighted the Greater Male Connectivity Project, aimed at enhancing regional infrastructure.
In an interview with PSM News, Balasubramanian described bilateral ties as a 'deep-rooted and enduring partnership' and underscored the strength of diplomatic and economic cooperation between the two countries.
Male, May 27 (PTI) India and the Maldives share a longstanding relationship built on mutual trust and confidence, Indian High Commissioner G Balasubramanian has said, expressing hope that their ties will continue to strengthen.
'Within this project, the Thilamalé Bridge, set to link Malé with Thilafushi, stands out as a major undertaking,' he said, reaffirming India's role in advancing economic growth through large-scale infrastructure investments.
He recalled President Mohamed Muizzu's visit to India last year and said his historic trip laid the groundwork for closer bilateral cooperation, with ongoing efforts to translate the 'vision documents' signed between President Muizzu and Prime Minister Narendra Modi into actionable policies.
'These agreements are designed to deepen strategic ties and drive joint initiatives forward,' he added.
The ties between India and the Maldives came under severe strain after Muizzu, known for his pro-China leanings, took charge of the top office in November 2023.
Within hours of his oath, he had demanded the withdrawal of Indian military personnel from his country. Subsequently, the Indian military personnel were replaced by civilians.
There was a thaw in the relations as Muizzu vowed to boost the bilateral ties with India during his visit to Delhi in October last year.
Balasubramanian expressed confidence that Maldives-India relations will continue to strengthen, with collaboration expanding across diplomatic, economic, and educational spheres.
India has offered 300 scholarships to Maldivian students, supporting skill enhancement and educational opportunities in diverse sectors, he said, adding that these initiatives underscores India's broader commitment to fostering growth through knowledge and expertise.
India has recently signed 13 MoUs with the Maldives for enhancing ferry services in the island nation, with an MVR 100 million grant, expanding maritime connectivity and uplifting community livelihoods.
Earlier this month, India extended crucial financial support to the Maldives through the rollover of the USD 50 million Treasury Bill for one more year, a move the Maldivian government said will support its ongoing efforts to implement fiscal reforms for economic resilience.
India has maintained that the Maldives is its key maritime neighbour and an important partner in the 'Neighbourhood First' policy and Vision 'MAHASAGAR' i.e. Mutual and Holistic Advancement for Security and Growth Across Regions. PTI RD ZH ZH
This report is auto-generated from PTI news service. ThePrint holds no responsibility for its content.

Orange background

Try Our AI Features

Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:

Comments

No comments yet...

Related Articles

Sri Lanka must move beyond triumphalism and bitterness
Sri Lanka must move beyond triumphalism and bitterness

Hindustan Times

time35 minutes ago

  • Hindustan Times

Sri Lanka must move beyond triumphalism and bitterness

Sixteen years ago, Sri Lanka emerged from one of the bloodiest civil conflicts in modern Asia. The military defeat of the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) ended a nearly three-decade war that cost tens of thousands of lives, displaced entire communities, and left deep scars on the national psyche. Activism that seeks to delegitimise an entire country risks alienating younger generations from any meaningful process of reconciliation (AFP) For many Sri Lankans, the end of the LTTE marks the return of peace. For others, it revives unresolved grief. But as a nation, it is time to move beyond both triumphalism and bitterness. Reconciliation — genuine, inclusive, and forward-looking — is the only viable path. The LTTE was one of the most ruthless terrorist organisations of its time. It pioneered suicide bombings, forcibly conscripted children, and assassinated elected leaders — including Sri Lankan President Ranasinghe Premadasa and Indian Prime Minister Rajiv Gandhi. Yet disturbingly, efforts to romanticise the group and its leader, Velupillai Prabhakaran, have gained renewed currency in some quarters. Such narratives erase the fact that many of the LTTE's victims were Tamil moderates — people who believed in democratic solutions. Eminent figures like Lakshman Kadirgamar, Neelan Tiruchelvam, A Amirthalingam, and Alfred Duraiappah,were assassinated precisely because they posed a credible alternative to violence. The LTTE systematically eliminated internal dissent, tightening its authoritarian grip on Tamil society. Understanding how this insurgency came to dominate Sri Lanka's politics requires looking beyond its borders. In the 1980s, Sri Lanka's shift toward a liberalised, pro-western economy under President JR Jayewardene unsettled India. Fearing strategic encirclement, New Delhi initially supported Tamil militant groups. Domestic politics in Tamil Nadu, with its strong emotional ties to Sri Lankan Tamils, further shaped Indian policy. But what began as geopolitical manoeuvring soon became a Frankenstein's monster. When LTTE violence escalated, India deployed peacekeeping forces, resulting in the sacrifice of over 1,000 Indian soldiers in a tragic and complex intervention. This culminated in the assassination of Rajiv Gandhi, after which India recalibrated its approach. In the final years of the war, India provided crucial diplomatic and intelligence support to Sri Lanka and has since advocated a political settlement based on devolution and inclusion. Sri Lanka's Tamil community had legitimate grievances that should have been addressed through constitutional means and inclusive governance. The country has had universal franchise since 1931, and its democratic system, though not perfect, offered avenues for reform. Terrorism only deepened divisions and prolonged suffering. The war's end under President Mahinda Rajapaksa brought a chance to rebuild. His administration accomplished what many believed was impossible: the military defeat of a powerful terrorist group. Yet the peace that followed lacked closure. More than a million Sri Lankans — mostly Tamils — resettled abroad. Many have built successful lives in the West, holding positions of influence in their adopted countries. Sri Lanka's loss has, in many respects, been the West's gain. Successive governments have struggled to reconnect with this diaspora. Trust remains fractured. Worse, some diaspora voices and political actors remain locked in the past — vilifying Sri Lanka on global platforms and casting the Sinhalese population in monolithic, antagonistic terms. This approach does not serve justice; it entrenches division. We must discard the old playbook. Grievance must not become identity. Activism that seeks to delegitimise an entire country risks alienating younger generations from any meaningful process of reconciliation. If the Tamil diaspora is committed to Sri Lanka's future, it must focus on healing, not reopening wounds. But reconciliation is not the responsibility of the Tamil community alone. Sinhala political leaders must move beyond majoritarian complacency. A pluralist democracy cannot thrive without equal dignity and opportunity for all. Reconciliation is not about forgetting the past — it is about refusing to be imprisoned by it. Sri Lanka's challenges are no longer simply ethnic. The 2019 Easter Sunday bombings by Islamist extremists exposed other societal fractures. The Muslim community, like the Tamil one, must be part of the national healing process. Exclusion breeds radicalism; inclusion builds resilience. Perhaps the most troubling legacy of the war is the hopelessness that many young Sri Lankans, regardless of ethnicity, now feel. Amid economic collapse, political dysfunction, and deep mistrust, many see their future abroad. That is a tragedy no military victory can redeem. Fifteen years on, memory matters — but so does imagination. This is a moment for introspection, for shedding inherited resentments, and for building a national vision that transcends ethnicity and history. Revenge is not the answer. Nor is retribution. The only way forward is forward. Milinda Moragoda is a former Sri Lankan cabinet minister, high commissioner to India, and founder of the Sri Lankan strategic affairs think tank, Pathfinder Foundation. The views expressed are personal

Why so many Indian students — especially from Kashmir — go to Iran for higher education
Why so many Indian students — especially from Kashmir — go to Iran for higher education

Indian Express

time38 minutes ago

  • Indian Express

Why so many Indian students — especially from Kashmir — go to Iran for higher education

The ongoing Iran–Israel conflict, and the Indian government's efforts to evacuate its citizens — especially medical students — from the region, has once again thrown the spotlight on a recurring question: Why do so many Indian students go abroad to study medicine? According to the MEA's estimated data of Indian students studying abroad, in 2022, about 2,050 students were enrolled in Iran, mostly for medical studies, at institutions like the Tehran University of Medical Sciences, Shahid Beheshti University and Islamic Azad University. A significant number of the students are from Kashmir. This is not the first time a geopolitical crisis has exposed the scale of India's outbound medical education. In 2022, during the Russia – Ukraine war, the Indian government had to evacuate thousands of medical students under 'Operation Ganga'. Now, as tensions escalate in West Asia, the spotlight returns to the systemic, economic, and cultural factors that continue to drive Indian students to pursue medical degrees overseas. A growing trend Despite a significant rise in the number of medical seats in India—from around 51,000 MBBS seats in 2014 to 1.18 lakh in 2024 —tens of thousands of students continue to pursue medical education abroad. The trend is visible in the rising number of candidates appearing for the Foreign Medical Graduate Examination (FMGE), which is mandatory for practicing medicine in India after studying abroad. About 79,000 students appeared for the FMGE in 2024, up from 61,616 in 2023 and just over 52,000 in 2022. This outward movement is driven by two main factors: competitiveness and cost. 'While the number of MBBS seats have increased in the country, the field continues to remain competitive. Students have to get a very good rank to get into government colleges,' said Dr Pawanindra Lal, former executive director of the National Board of Examinations in Medical Sciences, which conducts the FMGE. More than 22.7 lakh candidates appeared for NEET-UG in 2024 for just over 1 lakh MBBS seats. Only around half of these seats are in government colleges. The rest are in private institutions, where costs can soar. 'A candidate ranked 50,000 can get admission in a good private college but the fees can run into crores. How many people in the country can afford that? It is just simple economics that pushes students towards pursuing medical education in other countries. They can get the degree at one-tenth the cost in some of the countries,' said Dr Lal. Why Iran — And why so many Kashmiris? While affordability draws many Indian students abroad, Iran holds a unique appeal for those from the Kashmir Valley. For them, the choice is shaped not just by economics, but also by cultural and historical ties. 'Kashmir for a very long time has been called Iran-e-Sagheer or Iran Minor,' said Professor Syed Akhtar Hussain, a Persian scholar at Jawaharlal Nehru University. 'There is a historical factor—that the topography of Kashmir and the culture of Kashmir are similar to that of Iran. In the old times, they always thought Kashmir was a part of Iran in a way.' Religious affinity is another driver. 'Because there is a Shia element in Kashmir, and presence of Shia in Iran, that presence makes it more familiar for Kashmiris to associate themselves with… Iran became a country that they wanted to maintain affinity with. Iran is also a Shia country. Iran also feels happy that it has that special space in the heart of Kashmir,' he said. The relationship has practical benefits as well. Most Kashmiri students pursue medical education in Tehran, while others study Islamic theology in the holy cities of Qom and Mashhad. According to Prof. Hussain, Iran has even created admission pathways tailored for Kashmiri students. 'Iran gives some concessions to Kashmiri students to go and study there. By virtue of being Shia, they get admission very quickly and easily… for Kashmiris in Iran, it's less expensive.' This is often referred to as the 'pargees quota'. 'Shia students not only go to Iran to study medical sciences, they also study theology in Iran. Since the Islamic governance was formed in 1979, since then Kashmiri students have been going to Iran to study,' he added. Beyond academics, many students describe Iran as a 'second home,' noting the similarities in food, culture, climate, and community warmth. 'Students feel very homely while studying there. The cuisine, everything is almost the same, and students feel like they are in Kashmir. Because the regime is Shia, the Iranians also have a soft corner for Kashmiris,' said Prof. Hussain. He traced this deep-rooted connection back to the 13th century: 'One person named Meer Sayyed Ahmed Ali Hamadani from Iran came to Kashmir. He brought about 200 Syeds along with him, and those people brought crafts and industry from Iran to Kashmir. They brought carpet, papier-mâché, dry fruits and saffron too. Historically, this is the link. Kashmir and Central Asia's biggest link is Hamadani.' What are the risks? Though admission is relatively easier and cheaper abroad, experts warn of important caveats. 'There are not a lot of eligibility requirements. If the student can pay, they usually get admission. Some universities run two batches for each year to accommodate more students,' said Dr Lal. However, he warned that some foreign universities operate two tiers of medical education: one designed to produce local doctors, and another primarily to award degrees to foreigners. 'In fact, after completing some of the courses meant for foreigners, the students may not be eligible to practice in the host country. This means they are running two different medical courses,' he said. To address this, India's National Medical Commission (NMC) has introduced a rule stating that students will be eligible to practice in India only if they are also eligible to practice in the country where they studied. The NMC also mandates that the medical course be 54 months long, completed at a single university, followed by a one-year internship at the same institution. Dr Lal also flagged the lack of transparent information: 'There are no foreign colleges or universities listed by the country's medical education regulator that people can trust… The regulator should either provide a list of approved colleges or select, say, the top 100 colleges from a given country.' What happens when they return? Even after securing their degree, foreign-trained doctors face several hurdles in India. Students from the Philippines, for instance, faced recognition issues because their courses were only 48 months long, short of the required 54. A major bottleneck is the FMGE, which all foreign-trained doctors must clear. The pass rate has historically been low: 25.8% in 2024, 16.65% in 2023, and 23.35% in 2022. 'Even afterwards, they face challenges in getting employed. This is because their training is not as robust. There have been cases where the students did not have a single stamp on their passport. Sometimes there is a lack of patients and practical training. The FMGE questions are simple, meant to test the students' practical knowledge. And, yet, many are unable to pass the examination even after several attempts,' said Dr Lal. Anonna Dutt is a Principal Correspondent who writes primarily on health at the Indian Express. She reports on myriad topics ranging from the growing burden of non-communicable diseases such as diabetes and hypertension to the problems with pervasive infectious conditions. She reported on the government's management of the Covid-19 pandemic and closely followed the vaccination programme. Her stories have resulted in the city government investing in high-end tests for the poor and acknowledging errors in their official reports. Dutt also takes a keen interest in the country's space programme and has written on key missions like Chandrayaan 2 and 3, Aditya L1, and Gaganyaan. She was among the first batch of eleven media fellows with RBM Partnership to End Malaria. She was also selected to participate in the short-term programme on early childhood reporting at Columbia University's Dart Centre. Dutt has a Bachelor's Degree from the Symbiosis Institute of Media and Communication, Pune and a PG Diploma from the Asian College of Journalism, Chennai. She started her reporting career with the Hindustan Times. When not at work, she tries to appease the Duolingo owl with her French skills and sometimes takes to the dance floor. ... Read More

IPO GMPs: HDB Financial IPO vs Sambhv Steel Tubes IPO vs Globe Civil Projects IPO. What grey market signals?
IPO GMPs: HDB Financial IPO vs Sambhv Steel Tubes IPO vs Globe Civil Projects IPO. What grey market signals?

Mint

timean hour ago

  • Mint

IPO GMPs: HDB Financial IPO vs Sambhv Steel Tubes IPO vs Globe Civil Projects IPO. What grey market signals?

The Indian stock market is set to witness significant primary market activity due to several initial public offerings (IPOs) in the upcoming week, starting Monday, 23 June 2025. A total of six mainboard IPOs are scheduled to open in the upcoming week. Six companies, namely HDB Financial, Sambhv Steel Tubes, Globe Civil Projects, Ellenbarrie Industrial Gases, Kalpataru, and Indogulf Cropsciences, aim to raise funds from the public markets. Grey market premium (GMP) serves as an indicator of the investors' willingness to subscribe to a particular primary issue. 1. HDB Financial IPO: As of Sunday, 22 June 2025, the grey market premium for the HDB Financial IPO stands at ₹ 43.5 per share. With the upper price band of the public issue at ₹ 740, the shares are expected to be listed at ₹ 783.5 apiece, with a premium of 5.88 per cent, according to Investorgain data. The GMP dropped to its current level of ₹ 43.5 over the last two days, compared to its ₹ 91 per share level on 20 June 2025. The HDB Financial IPO is set to open on Wednesday, 25 June 2025, and is scheduled to close on Friday, 27 June 2025. The company fixed the price band of the public issue in the range of ₹ 700 to ₹ 740 per share. 2. Sambhv Steel Tubes IPO: As of Sunday, 22 June 2025, the grey market premium for the Sambhv Steel Tubes IPO stood at ₹ 8 per share. With the upper price band of the IPO at ₹ 82 per share, the shares are expected to be listed at ₹ 90 apiece, with a premium of 9.76 per cent, Investorgain data shows. The GMP remains flat in the last two days, while it dropped from its ₹ 11 levels on 20 June 2025. The IPO will open for public bidding on Wednesday, 25 June 2025, and is scheduled to close on Friday, 27 June 2025. The price band for the IPO has been fixed at ₹ 77 to ₹ 82 per share. 3. Globe Civil Projects IPO: As of Sunday, 22 June 2025, the grey market premium of the Globe Civil Projects IPO stood at ₹ 13 per share. With the upper price band for the public issue at ₹ 71 per share, the stocks are expected to be listed at a premium of 18.31 per cent at ₹ 84, according to Investorgain data. The IPO is set to open for subscription on Tuesday, 24 June 2025, and is scheduled to close on Friday, 27 June 2025. The company fixed the price band for the issue in the range of ₹ 67 to ₹ 71 per share. 4. Ellenbarrie Industrial Gases IPO: The grey market premium for the Ellenbarrie Industrial Gases public issue stood at ₹ 12 per share, and with the upper price band for the IPO at ₹ 400, the stocks are expected to be listed at ₹ 412. This marks a listing premium of 3 per cent, according to Investorgain data as of Sunday, 22 June 2025. The IPO will open for public bidding on Tuesday, 24 June 2025, and is scheduled to close on Thursday, 26 June 2025. The company fixed the price band for the IPO in the range of ₹ 380 to ₹ 400 per share. 5. Kalpataru IPO: Kalpataru IPO's grey market premium was at ₹ 9 per share as of Sunday, 22 June 2025. With the upper price band for the public issue at ₹ 414 per share, the stocks are expected to be listed at ₹ 423 apiece, marking a listing gain of 2.17 per cent, Investorgain data shows. The GMP dropped to its current level of ₹ 9 per share on Sunday from its earlier ₹ 11 levels on Saturday, 21 June 2025. The IPO will open for public bidding on Tuesday, 24 June 2025, and is scheduled to close on Thursday, 26 June 2025. The company has fixed the price band for the issue in the range of ₹ 387 to ₹ 414 per share. 6. Indogulf Cropsciences IPO: The grey market premium for the Indogulf Cropsciences IPO stood flat at ₹ 0 per share, as of Sunday, 22 June 2025. The shares are set to be open for public bidding on Thursday, 26 June 2025, while the closing date is scheduled on Monday, 30 June 2025. The price band of the public issue is yet to be announced. Read all stories by Anubhav Mukherjee Disclaimer: This story is for educational purposes only. The views and recommendations above are those of individual analysts or broking companies, not Mint. We advise investors to check with certified experts before making any investment decisions.

DOWNLOAD THE APP

Get Started Now: Download the App

Ready to dive into a world of global content with local flavor? Download Daily8 app today from your preferred app store and start exploring.
app-storeplay-store