Population census at last: Several pending issues need fresh attention

There was a polarisation of views on getting the caste data included in the Census, with the government taking a negative posture while the Opposition was united in demanding it
Amitabh Kundu P C Mohanan
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The government has announced that the next population census along with caste counting will be done in 2027. The census was due in 2021 but was postponed due to the Covid pandemic. The preparations for the first phase of the Census 2021 were complete, and house listing work was scheduled during April-September 2020 and population count in February 2021. The passage of almost six years would mean that basic exercises would have to begin afresh.
There was a polarisation of views on getting the caste data included in the Census, with the government taking a negative posture while the Opposition

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Hindustan Times

4 hours ago

• Hindustan Times

Caste census: A process with wide-ranging ramifications

Political uncertainty and a wave of social bitterness could be triggered if the caste census is held amid the existing mistrust on policy issues between the Union government and the opposition. Some castes are apprehensive about being marginalised while Muslims may feel that the exercise is aimed at fragmenting the community into castes and subcastes. Anxiety about the humongous process is also acute in Uttar Pradesh (UP) where caste remains critical to the success of political parties in elections. Though the home ministry has said that the caste census will be held along with the census, Opposition parties are sceptical about the government's intentions, especially after the June 16 notification on the Census, which did not mention a word on holding a simultaneous caste census, as was announced earlier. Thus, conducting the caste census, the first after the country's independence, in an atmosphere of mistrust will only deepen that deficit in the political domain and could spread disharmony in society. Perhaps it will be politically prudent for the government to allay fears on the exercise, which is not only gigantic but also has wide-ranging social implications. The opposition's contention is that the BJP was opposed to the caste census as they believed it would divide the society, clearly reflected in their poll slogans 'batenge toh katenge' and 'ek rahoge toh safe rahoge', and has deliberately omitted it from the notification as, by the time the census will be done in 2027, elections would be over in Bihar as well as UP. The caste census is a major poll issue in Bihar and also for the BJP's ally, chief minister Nitish Kumar. While the Samajwadi Party (SP) and the Congress have questioned the motive behind the government's decision, and demanded complete transparency in carrying out the exercise, Bahujan Samaj Party (BSP) national president Mayawati has demanded the government conduct the caste census with honesty. Akhilesh Yadav, the SP national president, cast doubts on the government's intention the day the notification was issued. He said: 'We cannot trust this government and the party as they lie, their data is always faulty. They could not give factual data about the largest congregation of Hindus, the Kumbh Mela, or of the lives lost in the stampede. They manipulate figures, they have bungled the voters list and can also do the same with the caste census to harm the PDA (Pichda, Dalit, Alpasankhyak).' Yadav has directed party workers at the village and booth levels to collect voter and caste data and will likely have enough ammunition to fire in 2027 when the UP assembly polls are expected to be held. Samajwadi Party leader Abhishek Mishra questioned government data. 'They can bungle data for political messaging, which will impact PDA and the Muslims. They can increase or decrease the population of some OBCs or Dalits, or even the upper castes, as a majority of the political decisions, in elections or in government formation, are based on their population. It's a perception battle in which the data can be manipulated to lower the population of Yadavs or increase the numbers of Jatavs or Brahmins to create confusion with respect to proportionate representation in various democratic institutions,' Mishra said. Senior Congress leader in-charge of UP Avinash Pande, while questioning Prime Minister Narendra Modi's U-turn on the caste census, said' 'After several deferments on one pretext or the other, the Modi government issued notification for the census this month but did not mention caste census, which clearly displays their duplicity on such an important public issue. The government delayed the census using corona (Covid) as an alibi, but 189 of the 233 countries had completed the exercise during or after corona.' He reiterated the Congress demand for the constitution of an all-party committee to decide the questionnaire in a transparent and productive manner. 'Rahul Gandhi has always demanded enumeration of all castes along with their social and economic conditions,' he said adding their slogan is 'jiski jitni aabadi, uski utni hissedari' (representation according to population). Pande reiterated the party's demand that the Telangana model be adopted for the census. Dalits have another worry, which has been conveyed to the Union home minister, Amit Shah, by the National Confederation of Dalit and Adivasis Organisation. In a letter to Amit Shah, posted on X, NACDOR chairman Ashok Bharti has highlighted how in the past, many a time, enumerators had estimated rather than accurately counting the SC and STs, who usually live on the outskirts or in isolated villages. The letter stated, 'This has become even much more important in the light of extraordinary gazette, which allows self-enumeration. Without prejudice to any other provisions of these rules, a person may fill up, complete and submit the census schedule through self-enumeration. The enumerators may take refuge for not recording the details accurately under the pretext of self-enumeration.' Thus, not only will implementing the caste census be a challenge but expect real politics over its report -- an intense battle on the population of castes.

Time of India

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BJP MP Eatala Rajender accuses Revanth Reddy of undermining self-respect, sacrifices of Telangana people; praises PM Narendra Modi's leadership

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Indian Express

8 hours ago

• Indian Express

Census must not only count women — it must count them properly

Numbers have always told stories: Of progress, pain, and power. But too often, they have also erased people at the margins. As the country prepares for its next Census, we must ask: Will we count women in a way that reflects their diversity and realities? Or will the most marginalised be once again statistically invisible and politically excluded? The passage of the Women's Reservation Bill — formally the Constitution (106th Amendment) Act — in September 2023 was a watershed moment. But its implementation has been delayed as it depends on the delimitation exercise, tied to the Census. This means that how we conduct the Census will shape not only who gets counted, but also who gets a seat at the table potentially for decades to come. Therefore, the upcoming Census is not just a statistical operation. It is a unique opportunity to shape the scaffolding for a more inclusive democracy. But for that to happen, it must be gender-responsive in design and execution. Over the past decade, I have witnessed firsthand how women in politics confront entrenched structural hurdles. Casual sexism within party ranks, lack of access to campaign finance, being ignored by the media, threats of violence — both online and physical — and being constantly overlooked by their respective political parties in ticket distribution for legislative seats. These challenges are magnified for women belonging to marginalised communities. Dalit, Adivasi, Muslim, queer, and disabled women, among others, face multiple and intersecting layers of discrimination. Simply reserving seats without addressing the ecosystem of exclusion will only reproduce inequalities in new forms. The Census will not only be about collecting sex-disaggregated data. It should recognise that women are not a monolith and ensure that questionnaires reflect that complexity. These are some steps that can be taken: Gender-data can be cross-tabulated with indicators for literacy, employment, land ownership, bodily abilities, religion, caste, etc; partnering with experts in gender and caste research, keeping in mind that caste and subcaste formations can also be regional in nature; building public data portals that allow civil society to filter, analyse, and visualise gender-aggregated data; most importantly, the enumerators should be trained in gender sensitivity. In 2011, the Census made a landmark move by including a separate 'other' gender category. But the enumeration process was poorly designed and inconsistently applied. This led to underreporting and misclassification of trans and non-binary persons. The next Census needs to correct this process of insensitivity and invisibilisation. Some may argue that implementing a robust, gender-responsive Census is too resource-intensive. Yet, without it, we risk implementing laws that are still rooted in the status quo. Applied to women's representation, it will replicate existing power structures, with privileged women at the helm. Once the Women's Reservation Act is enacted after a gender-responsive Census, we can monitor: If reserved seats across constituencies reflect the diversity of India's female population; if selection processes by political parties for reserved seats are evidence-backed, instead of being arbitrary; that there is a pipeline from panchayat to Parliament to prevent co-optation by elite women. These mechanisms would ensure that the policy is not tokenistic, and actually represents the women of India. Further, it will help us answer these critical questions: How do we ensure women from the Other Backward Classes are not overlooked in seat allocations? How will political parties be held accountable for fielding women candidates from SC and ST communities – not just in reserved constituencies, but also in general ones? Gender-disaggregated data would make visible those who are routinely ignored. And visibility matters because it seeds awareness, enables activism, and builds political pressure. A Census that fails to see women in all their lived realities is incomplete and unjust. The Census is a political mirror. But without gender-responsive tools, it offers only a distorted reflection. Every person counts in a representative democracy, and every woman must be counted where it matters most: In our legislatures, policies, and collective future. Because women are not just half the population — we are half the potential. And it's high time India sees us that way. The writer is the founder of Femme First Foundation and the lead author of The Fifteen: The Lives and Times of the Women in India's Constituent Assembly