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Can families of apartheid victims get closure?

Can families of apartheid victims get closure?

eNCA06-06-2025

JOHANNESBURG - For families of apartheid-era victims and indeed, for many across South Africa the fight for justice is not just about court proceedings.
It's about finding closure, healing, and the hope that truth will finally be acknowledged.
WATCH: Cradock 4 Inquest | Families say pain deepened by 'ANC betrayal'
This week, the inquest into the 1985 deaths of the Cradock Four has once again brought these emotions to the surface. Among those testifying are family members of the deceased.
They had to suffer the blow of learning that the last surviving suspect in these murders has died.
What does closure truly mean for victims' families?

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Ex-cop held over alleged political 'hit' fails in another bail bid
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Ex-cop held over alleged political 'hit' fails in another bail bid

Bulelani Yosana is currently awaiting trial alongside accused hitman James Easton for the contract murder of Bloekombos teacher and ANC activist Vuyo Dana. Yosana's latest bail appeal bid failed in the Western Cape High Court. Image: File MURDER accused Bulelani Yosana has failed to convince the Western Cape that the State's case against him has considerably weakened after a Section 204 witness recanted on their statement. Yosana is currently awaiting trial alongside accused hitman James Easton for the contract murder of Bloekombos teacher and ANC activist Vuyo Dana. A trial date is yet to be set for the matter. After a previous unsuccessful attempt, Yosana, a former police officer and ANC branch secretary, filed a new bail bid appeal with the High Court, citing the recanted statement, that a trial date remains unset, and that his bank account is about to be closed for non-compliance with the Financial Intelligence Centre Act. Dana was shot and killed at his home in February 2022 while on his way to work at Bloekombos Senior Secondary School, in Kraaifontein, in what has been alleged to be a politically-motivated killing. Yosana brought the second bail application on the basis that new facts have arisen since the initial bail court (Regional Court) refused to admit him on bail, pending the finalisation of his trial. Yosana and Easton face a variety of charges including a contravention of Section 18 of the Riotous Assemblies Act, conspiracy to murder, and murder. Through his attorney, Yosana submitted that following the bail application hearing, and the appeal, they discovered a statement in which the Section 204 witness recanted what he stated in his Section 204 affidavit. According to Yosana's lawyer, there are no eyewitness accounts that place Yosana on the scene, and he claims that due to the recanting statement, there was insufficient evidence. 'According to Mr Booth (Yosana's attorney), this recanting statement was never discovered by the State, and as such, it alters the overall picture of the State's case. 'In this (newly) discovered statement, the Section 204 witness is recanting what he initially told the police about the involvement of the applicant (Yosana) in the commission of the offences the applicant is arraigned on. Booth advanced the argument that the State case is based primarily on the evidence of the Section 204 witness. 'Booth's argument postulates that if the Section 204 witness has recanted his original police affidavit, wherein he originally implicated the applicant in the crimes, the necessary corollary is that the State's case has since been considerably weakened. According to the applicant, this discovery presents an insurmountable hurdle for the State,' the court record read. The State did not dispute that the Section 204 witness has since recanted his first key pre-trial statement. 'According to the State's heads of argument, the Section 204 witness filed a recanting statement after the residence of the witness was visited by the applicant and after the applicant's arrest. To this end, the State specifically contends that the recanting statement is a product of interference with a State witness,' the judgment further read.

Witness recants, undermining State's case against Bulelani Yosana in murder trial
Witness recants, undermining State's case against Bulelani Yosana in murder trial

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Witness recants, undermining State's case against Bulelani Yosana in murder trial

Bulelani Yosana is currently awaiting trial alongside accused hitman James Easton for the contract murder of Bloekombos teacher and ANC activist Vuyo Dana. Yosana's latest bail appeal bid failed in the Western Cape High Court. Image: File Accused killer, Bulelani Yosana's bail appeal again failed in the Western Cape High Court this week, where he argued that the State's case against him has considerably weakened after a Section 204 witness recanted on their statement. Yosana is currently awaiting trial alongside accused hitman James Easton for the contract murder of Bloekombos teacher and ANC activist Vuyo Dana. A trial date is yet to be set for the matter. After a previous unsuccessful attempt, Yosana, a former police officer and ANC branch secretary, filed a new bail bid appeal with the High Court, citing the recanted statement, that a trial date remains unset, and that his bank account is about to be closed for non-compliance with the Financial Intelligence Centre Act. Dana was shot and killed at his home in February 2022 while on his way to work at Bloekombos Senior Secondary School, in Kraaifontein, in what has been alleged to be a politically motivated killing. Video Player is loading. Play Video Play Unmute Current Time 0:00 / Duration -:- Loaded : 0% Stream Type LIVE Seek to live, currently behind live LIVE Remaining Time - 0:00 This is a modal window. Beginning of dialog window. Escape will cancel and close the window. Text Color White Black Red Green Blue Yellow Magenta Cyan Transparency Opaque Semi-Transparent Background Color Black White Red Green Blue Yellow Magenta Cyan Transparency Opaque Semi-Transparent Transparent Window Color Black White Red Green Blue Yellow Magenta Cyan Transparency Transparent Semi-Transparent Opaque Font Size 50% 75% 100% 125% 150% 175% 200% 300% 400% Text Edge Style None Raised Depressed Uniform Dropshadow Font Family Proportional Sans-Serif Monospace Sans-Serif Proportional Serif Monospace Serif Casual Script Small Caps Reset restore all settings to the default values Done Close Modal Dialog End of dialog window. Advertisement Video Player is loading. Play Video Play Unmute Current Time 0:00 / Duration -:- Loaded : 0% Stream Type LIVE Seek to live, currently behind live LIVE Remaining Time - 0:00 This is a modal window. Beginning of dialog window. Escape will cancel and close the window. Text Color White Black Red Green Blue Yellow Magenta Cyan Transparency Opaque Semi-Transparent Background Color Black White Red Green Blue Yellow Magenta Cyan Transparency Opaque Semi-Transparent Transparent Window Color Black White Red Green Blue Yellow Magenta Cyan Transparency Transparent Semi-Transparent Opaque Font Size 50% 75% 100% 125% 150% 175% 200% 300% 400% Text Edge Style None Raised Depressed Uniform Dropshadow Font Family Proportional Sans-Serif Monospace Sans-Serif Proportional Serif Monospace Serif Casual Script Small Caps Reset restore all settings to the default values Done Close Modal Dialog End of dialog window. Next Stay Close ✕ Yosana brought the second bail application on the basis that new facts have arisen since the initial bail court (Regional Court) refused to admit him on bail, pending the finalisation of his trial. Yosana and Easton face a variety of offences arising out of the murder which occurred on February 22, 2022. The offences include a contravention of Section 18 of the Riotous Assemblies Act, conspiracy to murder, and murder. Through his attorney, Yosana submitted that following the bail application, hearing, and the appeal, they discovered a statement in which the Section 204 witness recanted what he stated in his Section 204 affidavit. According to Yosana's lawyer, there are no eyewitness accounts that place Yosana on the scene, and he claims that due to the recanting statement, there is insufficient evidence. 'According to Mr Booth (Yosana's attorney), this recanting statement was never discovered by the State, and as such, it alters the overall picture of the State's case. 'In this (newly) discovered statement, the Section 204 witness is recanting what he initially told the police about the involvement of the applicant (Yosana) in the commission of the offences the applicant is arraigned on. Booth advanced the argument that the State case is based primarily on the evidence of the Section 204 witness. 'Booth's argument postulates that if the Section 204 witness has recanted his original police affidavit, wherein he originally implicated the applicant in the crimes, the necessary corollary is that the State's case has since been considerably weakened. According to the applicant, this discovery presents an insurmountable hurdle for the State,' the court record read. The State did not dispute that the Section 204 witness has since recanted his first key pre-trial statement. 'According to the State's heads of argument, the Section 204 witness filed a recanting statement after the residence of the witness was visited by the applicant and after the applicant's arrest. To this end, the State specifical contends that the recanting statement is a product of interference with a State witness,' the judgment further read. 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Though the prolonged detention of the applicant is regrettable, it cannot be said that the delay is unreasonable, as such, it amounts to a new fact that warrants his release,' said Judge Nziweni.

The weaponisation of intelligence in SA politics
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Nco Dube a political economist, businessman, and social commentator. Image: Supplied The recent revelation by former uMkhonto weSizwe Party Secretary General Floyd Shivambu, who claims he was sacked on the basis of a fake intelligence report, is neither new nor surprising in the context of South Africa's post-apartheid political landscape. Instead, it is the latest in a long line of controversies where unverified intelligence reports have been deployed as weapons in intra-party feuds, factional battles, and the broader contest for power, often with former president Jacob Zuma at the centre. The use of intelligence reports—real, doctored, or entirely fabricated—as tools for political ends is deeply embedded in our recent history. The so-called 'Browse Mole Report' is a prime example: a controversial document that allegedly implicated various political figures and was used as justification for decisive political actions, despite its questionable provenance. Throughout Zuma's presidency and beyond, a series of unverified intelligence reports have surfaced, each conveniently appearing at moments of heightened political tension, often to the detriment of Zuma's rivals or critics. These reports have not only been used to discredit opponents but have also served as pretexts for removals, suspensions, and even criminal investigations. The pattern is clear: intelligence, or at least the suggestion of it, becomes a bludgeon in the hands of those seeking to manipulate outcomes within the ANC (or its offshoots like the EFF and the MKP) and the state at large. Another one of the most infamous cases was the so-called 'Operation Check Mate' intelligence report. In March 2017, then-President Jacob Zuma abruptly instructed Finance Minister Pravin Gordhan to cancel an international investor roadshow and return to South Africa. The only explanation offered was an 'intelligence report' alleging that Gordhan was plotting with foreign interests in the UK and the US to overthrow the state. The report's existence and authenticity were never substantiated, and it was widely dismissed as a fabrication designed to justify Gordhan's removal and facilitate a cabinet reshuffle. In December 2021, journalist Thabo Makwakwa received a purported State Security Agency (SSA) report alleging that the United States had infiltrated the ANC's leadership to the point of influencing or subverting national policy. The report was used to justify a High Court gag order preventing publication, ostensibly for reasons of national security. However, the Supreme Court of Appeal later ruled that the classification of the report as 'secret' was unjustified and that its suppression served the political interests of the ANC, not the country. The court's decision exposed how the SSA's mechanisms were misused to fight internal ANC battles and highlighted the blurred lines between party and state. There have also been instances where fake intelligence reports were used to push false claims of judicial corruption. Political figures like Bantu Holomisa, Julius Malema, and former Public Protector Busisiwe Mkhwebane have been accused of leveraging such reports to undermine the judiciary's credibility. These tactics not only damage individual reputations but also erode public trust in key democratic institutions. Another example is the 'enemy of the state' dossier targeting the National Union of Metalworkers of South Africa (Numsa). This fake report surfaced during a period of intense labour and political contestation, aiming to discredit Numsa leaders and justify state surveillance or action against them. The report was later exposed as baseless, but not before it had caused significant disruption within the union and the broader labour movement. The Supreme Court of Appeal's rulings and investigative journalism have repeatedly shown how the SSA has been weaponised to serve the interests of particular ANC factions. The agency's resources and credibility have been compromised by their use in intra-party feuds, often with little regard for legality or national interest. Shivambu's claim that a fake intelligence report was used to justify his removal fits seamlessly into this established pattern. His experience reflects the broader reality of intelligence being weaponised in the service of political factionalism. The implications of his allegations are profound: they highlight the persistent challenge of verifying intelligence in a context where its very existence is often shrouded in secrecy and where the mere mention of a 'report' can be enough to destroy reputations and careers. Why Intelligence Is So Easily Weaponised South Africa's intelligence community has its roots in the clandestine operations of both the apartheid regime and the liberation movements. The skills, networks, and mindsets developed during those years did not simply disappear with the advent of democracy. Instead, they were repurposed, sometimes for noble ends, but often for the pursuit of personal or factional power. The ANC, as the dominant political force, has long been riven by internal divisions. Intelligence operatives and their reports are frequently drawn into these battles, not in the service of national security, but to gather dirt on rivals, discredit them, and sway internal elections. This dynamic has only intensified as the stakes have grown, with control of the state and its resources hanging in the balance. The Zuma Factor Jacob Zuma's career is inextricably linked with the intelligence world. As a former head of intelligence for the ANC in exile, Zuma has always understood the power of information and disinformation. His rise to power and his presidency were marked by a proliferation of intelligence-related scandals, from the so-called 'spy tapes' to the endless stream of dossiers implicating his enemies in plots, corruption, or treason. Zuma's embedded relationship with intelligence operatives, both official and shadowy, allows him to cultivate an aura of omniscience and threat: his opponents could never be sure what he knows, what he was willing to fabricate, or how far he would go to protect himself. The Mechanics of Fake Intelligence Reports Fake intelligence reports are typically crafted by individuals or groups with access to the language, format, and networks of the intelligence community. They are then leaked, sometimes anonymously, sometimes through willing intermediaries, to the media, party structures, or law enforcement agencies. The reports are rarely subjected to rigorous verification; their power lies in their ability to sow doubt and suspicion, not in their factual accuracy. Once in circulation, these reports serve multiple functions, discrediting political opponents by associating them with scandal or criminality. They then justify suspensions, removals, or investigations under the guise of 'due diligence,' creating an atmosphere of fear and mistrust, deterring would-be challengers from stepping out of line. The media, often hungry for scoops and exclusives, can become unwitting amplifiers of these reports. Even when journalists are sceptical, the mere existence of a 'leaked intelligence report' is newsworthy, and the damage to reputations is often irreversible, regardless of subsequent denials or debunking. Few, if any, of those responsible for producing or disseminating fake intelligence reports are ever held to account. The ephemeral nature of these documents and the secrecy that surrounds them make it difficult to trace responsibility or impose consequences. For those in power, the ability to instill fear and uncertainty is a potent weapon. Zuma's Legacy: Intelligence as a Source of Power and Control Zuma's presidency did not invent the use of intelligence as a political tool, but it did elevate it to an art form. By cultivating relationships with both official intelligence operatives and shadowy figures, Zuma created an environment where information, real or fabricated, became the currency of power. His willingness to deploy intelligence innuendo, to hint at plots and conspiracies, and to use reports (however dubious) as justification for political action has left a lasting mark on South African politics.

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