A decade after the devastating 2015 earthquake, is Nepal any safer?
KATHMANDU: Friday (April 25) marks the tenth anniversary of the devastating earthquake that struck Nepal on April 25, 2015, claiming nearly 9,000 lives and injuring over 22,300 people.
The major quake measuring magnitude 7.8 and its numerous aftershocks devastated the country, damaging more than half a million homes and other structures, according to official records.
After the 2015 earthquake, Nepal continued to experience aftershocks for an extended period.
As highlighted in the government's Post-Disaster Needs Assessment (PDNA) report, Nepal ranks as the 11th most earthquake-prone country globally.
'Since the first recorded earthquake in 1255 AD, which killed a third of the Kathmandu Valley's population, including King Abhaya Malla, Nepal has witnessed a major earthquake every few generations,' the report states. The last significant earthquake before 2015, with a magnitude of 8.4 in 1934, resulted in over 10,000 deaths in the Kathmandu Valley. Significant earthquakes also occurred in 1980, 1988, and 2011, all of which caused substantial loss of life and property.
After the 2015 disaster, Nepal experienced jolts of varying magnitudes frequently. In November 2023, a 5.3 magnitude earthquake struck Jajarkot in western Nepal, resulting in the tragic loss of 153 lives.
In response to the 2015 disaster, the Ministry of Federal Affairs and General Administration introduced the Town Development, Urban Planning and Basic Guidelines on Building Houses, 2015, to reduce casualties in future disasters.
However, despite introduction of these policies, experts warn that the initial resolve to improve safety standards has faded over the years.
Amod Mani Dixit, president at the National Society for Earthquake Technology (NSET), an NGO dedicated to earthquake preparedness, noted that although significant policy decisions, such as enforcing stricter building codes, were made, they have not been effectively implemented.
'There are serious issues in the monitoring of infrastructure construction,' Dixit told the Post. 'Unfortunately, no corrective measures have been taken.'
Dixit emphasised the need for commemorating disasters as important occasions of public education and preparedness. 'Other countries establish museums with earthquake memorabilia to maintain awareness. In Nepal, however, these crucial matters are often ignored by the authorities.'
Government officials, meanwhile, contested Dixit's claims. Kali Prasad Parajuli, spokesperson for the Ministry of Federal Affairs and General Administration, asserted that the government has fully enforced the recommended policies with regard to implementing building codes and delegated authority to provincial governments.
'Provincial administrations now have the power to set building standards, though these must be at least as stringent as those of the federal government,' said Parajuli. 'Many municipalities are actively demolishing structures that breach building codes.'
Most activities related to town development, urban planning and open spaces, as well as building new houses, are overseen by the Ministry of Urban Development, said Parajuli.
However, an official at the Ministry of Urban Development argues that their role is limited to coordination, as the local governments are responsible for overseeing such activities.
'I doubt rural municipalities bother getting building maps approved before construction, since they are not required to do it. Map approval is compulsory only in municipalities,' said Narayan Prasad Mainali, a joint secretary at the Urban Development Ministry. 'But the code of conduct implemented by the government soon after the earthquake of 2015 should have been implemented by local governments.'
Mainali argued that they are not aware of what the local level governments are doing with regard to implementing the building code.
While the central government claims the implementation of the code of conduct for building houses falls under local units, local governments on the other hand claim the absence of technical experts to support their supervision.
Nimesh Mishra, the chief administrative officer of Melamchi Municipality in Sindhupalchok district, one of the most affected areas by the devastating 2015 earthquakes, claims that local residents have partially followed the building code enforced by the government.
'However, the place is still prone to a multi-hazardous situation, since landslides and floods have continuously hit the area,' Mishra said. 'Even the houses built following the building code have been impacted.'
Barpak of Gorkha was the epicentre of the 2015 earthquake. However, following years of the quake, people in the area seldom follow the building code of conduct established by the government, says Bishnu Prasad Bhatta, the chair of Barpak Sulikot Rural Municipality.
'People who received reconstruction aid from the government after the earthquake followed the building code, but the people building houses these days do not follow such conduct.'
Dixit says the new constitution has empowered the local level but without technical know-how. He thinks that the local units alone cannot monitor these tasks properly in the absence of technicians.
The 2015 guidelines state that the house structure of a commercial building should cover no more than 50 per cent of its plot, while the structure of residential houses should be limited within 70 per cent of the plot. Experts claim these codes are routinely ignored.
Architectural engineer Susan Vaidya of Livable Kathmandu initiative remarked that in urban areas where land prices are extremely high, compliance is often impractical. 'The government must formulate more realistic standards,' she said.
Experts agree that ignoring the lessons of the past puts Nepal at grave risk. The country lies on a major tectonic zone, where the Indian and Tibetan (Eurasian) plates collide.
The officer of the National Earthquake Monitoring and Research Centre stressed preparedness saying another large earthquake could strike Nepal at any time.
'Nepal sits in one of the world's most active continental collision zones,' the officer explained. 'The Indian plate continues to push northward by about four centimeters a year. This builds pressure until rocks eventually fracture, causing earthquakes.'
Dixit points out that the government has failed to protect and promote open spaces, which are vital during emergencies, especially in urban areas. For instance, the Bhainsepati area in Lalitpur was earmarked as open space after the 2015 quake, but is now occupied by ministerial residences.
The open space that has been breached in the core residential area is located in Bhaisepati, where a new minister's quarter has been constructed.
There were at least eight hundred eighty-eight open spaces throughout the Kathmandu Valley before the 2015 earthquake. What is the condition of those open spaces at present? Dixit questioned.
During the 2015 crisis, open spaces played a critical role, with many Kathmandu residents taking shelter in fields near the Nepal Army Officers' Club at Sundhara, Bagdurbar. Even these areas are now covered by buildings.
Government officials also agree that space constraints in cities like Kathmandu pose a serious challenge during major disasters. 'Yes, there was a discussion post-earthquake about preserving open spaces, but availability of land is a genuine concern in urban zones,' they acknowledged. 'In some instances, buildings were constructed out of necessity.' - The Kathmandu Post/ANN
Hashtags
Try Our AI Features
Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:
Comments
No comments yet...
Related Articles
New Straits Times
13-06-2025
- New Straits Times
Malaysia needs to recalibrate long-term strategy
THE strategic rivalry between the United States and China has intensified in recent years, evolving into a long-term contest for primacy across technology, trade, ideology and defence. While the epicentres of this contest may lie in the Taiwan Strait, South China Sea and East Asian high-tech corridors, the ramifications reverberate far into Southeast Asia — placing heightened expectations on the foreign and defence policies of niched powers such as Malaysia. For Malaysia, the stakes have never been higher. After all, our strategic geography — located along the vital sea lanes of the Malacca Strait, a maritime choke point further connecting the Indian and Pacific Oceans — renders our country a natural focal point in this zero-sum contest. But unlike the US or China, Malaysia does not seek hegemony. Instead, it seeks relevance through diplomacy, strategic autonomy and non-alignment. However, such a posture is becoming harder to sustain when both great powers demand visible allegiance — whether in the form of defence procurement, port access or rhetorical support in multilateral forums. Recent developments only underscore this pressure. The US has called for Indo-Pacific partners to commit up to five per cent of their gross domestic product on defence spending, an unrealistic ask for a country like Malaysia, which is still navigating post-Covid-19 pandemic economic recovery. Similarly, great powers continue to deepen its presence in the South and East China Seas, testing the limits of many countries on their exclusive economic zone, as evidenced by repeated forays of their defence assets in these waters. While Malaysia has lodged diplomatic protests on some of these incursions, it has not escalated these incidents publicly, preferring quiet diplomacy without acquiescence and occasionally airing the concerns in institutional mechanisms such as Asean; often behind closed doors. But the room for ambiguity is narrowing. The revival of US-led security coalitions such as the Quad (with India, Japan, and Australia) and AUKUS (with Australia and the United Kingdom), as well as the Five Power Defence Arrangements (Australia, Malaysia, New Zealand, Singapore and the UK), demonstrates that security alignments are being reconfigured. These alliances suggest a rebalancing of defence resources and infrastructure away from ad hoc deterrence and towards integrated defence ecosystems. Thus, what is Malaysia's long-term strategy in navigating this geopolitical rivalry? FIRST, we must clearly articulate a doctrine of strategic autonomy. It involves having sufficient economic, diplomatic and defence capabilities to independently determine national interests without succumbing to pressure from any single external actor. SECOND, we should deepen multilateralism. As Asean chair, Malaysia has a unique platform to reinvigorate regional diplomacy, particularly through the Asean Defence Ministers' Meeting Plus, the East Asia Summit, and the Asean Regional Forum. They should be retooled to facilitate Track 1.5 and Track 2.0 dialogues that can defuse tensions and offer third-party mediation options in flashpoints in IndoChina such as Myanmar or the Thailand-Cambodia border skirmish; of which the latter is being adeptly handled by Prime Minister Datuk Seri Anwar Ibrahim as Asean chair. THIRD, Malaysia's defence modernisation must be calibrated and intelligent. We should prioritise unmanned systems, cyberdefence and maritime domain awareness — areas that offer asymmetrical advantages. The recent acquisition of Turkish-made drones and the partnership with the UK, France and South Korea on defence industrial collaboration provide a useful template. FOURTH, Malaysian diplomacy must evolve in line with 21st-century expectations. This involves embedding economic statecraft into foreign policy. The China-US contest is as much about 5G networks, semiconductors and artificial intelligence supply chains as it is about military deployment. Malaysia's participation in frameworks such as the Comprehensive and Progressive Agreement for Trans-Pacific Partnership, the Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership and digital economy partnerships can serve as hedging tools against overdependence. LASTLY, the political leadership must communicate this complexity to the public. Geopolitics can no longer be confined to bureaucratic corridors. The Malaysian public needs to understand why defence spending, diplomatic engagements and new partnerships matter in ensuring national sovereignty, food security and economic resilience. A well-informed populace can be a bulwark against foreign misinformation and manipulation.
The Star
13-06-2025
- The Star
Death toll in Air India crash rises to over 290
A family member cries upon hearing the news of her brother who died when the Air India Boeing 787 Dreamliner plane crashed in Ahmedabad, India, on June 12, 2025. - Photo: Reuters AHMEDABAD, (India): The death toll of the Air India plane crash in Ahmedabad has risen to more than 290, a police officer tells Reuters. The authorities had warned earlier that there could be casualties on the ground too, with multiple buildings damaged and residents caught in the crash zone. Earlier, city police chief GS Malik said at least 204 bodies have been recovered from the crash site. Meanwhile, senior BJP leader and former Gujarat Chief Minister Vijay Rupani is said to have died in the Air India flight crash in Ahmedabad on Thursday (June 12). He was 68. Union Minister and Gujarat BJP president CR Patil said "Vijay Rupani was "among victims" in this incident. Vijay Rupani, the 16th Chief Minister of Gujarat, was in office from August 2016 to September 2021. - File pic "Our leader and former Chief Minister, Vijay Rupani, was going (to London) to meet his family. He is also a victim in this incident. May his soul rest in peace. This is a big loss for the BJP," said Patil. Civil Aviation Minister Ram Mohan Naidu Kinjarapu confirmed that Vijay Rupani was on the doomed plane. Rupani was married to Anjali Rupani, a social worker and philanthropist. The couple has one son. According to the seat chart, Vijay Rupani was on seat 2D of the Air India flight. He was on his way to London to meet his daughter. "We are going to do a fair and thorough investigation, and probe why this incident happened. We still have to find out the sad to know that (BJP leader) Vijay Rupani was also there, as were other nationals," said Ram Mohan. Vijay Rupani, the 16th Chief Minister of Gujarat, was in office from August 2016 to September 2021. Known for his composed demeanour and firm administrative style, he steered Gujarat through a critical phase of post-Covid recovery. Rescuers work at the site of an Air India plane crash in India's northwestern city of Ahmedabad in Gujarat state on June12, 2025. - Photo: AP Separately, Air India managing director and chief executive officer Campbell Wilson, in an address posted on X, says a special team from Air India is on its way to provide additional support for those affected by the disaster. He says the airline will work round the clock to support passengers, crew and their families, as well as investigators. Air India has also announced two special relief flights from Delhi and Mumbai to Ahmedabad to assist the next of kin of passengers and airline employees affected by the AI171 crash. The airline says in a post on X that the flights would provide urgent support and access to those who need to reach Ahmedabad. Search and rescue teams respond to the scene of an Air India plane crash in Ahmedabad, India, on June 12, 2025. - Photo: AP Meanwhile, the British government said it will send a team to support the Air India crash investigations in Ahmedabad, which is believed to have killed more than 200 people. 'The UK Air Accidents Investigation Branch has formally offered its assistance to the Aircraft Accident Investigation Bureau, India. We are deploying a multidisciplinary investigation team to India to support the Indian led investigation,' it says, according to a statement carried by AFP. Tata Group chairman N. Chandrasekaran said the multinational conglomerate is 'deeply anguished' by the Air India Flight 171 tragedy, as he pledges support to those affected. In a statement on X, Chandrasekaran says the group will provide one crore rupees to the families of each person killed in the crash. At the scene of an Air India plane crash in Ahmedabad, India, on June 12, 2025. The Tata Group will also cover all medical expenses for those injured and ensure they receive the necessary care and support. The group will also assist in rebuilding the hostel at BJ Medical College, which was affected by the crash. 'No words can adequately express the grief we feel at this moment,' he says. 'We remain steadfast in standing with the affected families and communities during this unimaginable time.' - Agencies
The Star
12-06-2025
- The Star
Labour's big worry is no one will feel record spending surge
BRITAIN's Labour government will make an historic investment into the country's battered public services this week – a £300bil (US$406bil) uplift for areas such as health care, education and transport, amounting to the largest sustained funding increase since at least 2010. The danger is the public won't notice. For all the political pain Labour has endured by raising taxes to pay for the commitment, the money will seem to disappear. That's largely because the previous Conservative administration cut spending to pay for giveaways before last year's general election, putting public services on track for a period of austerity described by critics as politically implausible. 'It turns out £300bil is the cost of ending implausible,' Andy King, former chief of staff at the Office for Budget Responsibility fiscal watchdog, told Bloomberg. Britons' experience of government over the last decade-and-a-half can be boiled down to two inconvenient facts: frontline services have deteriorated and taxes have risen. Today's broken social contract is that people pay more for less. The latest causes of the rot are ballooning costs from demographic pressures (the size of the state is at a postwar high), a debt pile swollen by Covid, higher interest rates and abysmal levels of productivity leading to persistently weak growth. Chancellor of the Exchequer Rachel Reeves has the unenviable task of confronting this reality when she unveils her Spending Review and the stakes could not be higher. James Smith, chief economist at the Resolution Foundation think tank, said Reeves' choices could determine whether Britain's long record of centrist politics survives and keeps Nigel Farage's populist Reform UK party at bay. Reform is soaring in the polls with the same promise of 'change' that Labour campaigned on in 2024. 'People are understandably frustrated with Britain's 'less for more' approach to public services in recent decades,' said Smith. 'The combination of austerity, economic stagnation and fiscal pressures mean that their experience of public services is that they don't work properly and yet they are paying more in tax to fund them. This economic failure has created a political opening for political parties like Reform who haven't been in government during this period.' Police seem unable to tackle shoplifters, a record number of patients are choosing private health care above the cherished National Health Service (NHS), and potholes blight the roads. Yet the tax burden is at a post-Second World War high, 3% of gross domestic product (GDP) or £90bil more in today's money than before both the 2008 financial crisis and the pandemic. The Spending Review is Labour's chance to reset the contract, and will be the first opportunity to see clearly where the priorities lie for Prime Minister Keir Starmer's government. Trade-offs will have to be made, with cuts to policing expected to prop up the NHS. Even a record spending boost is not enough to prevent fights over how to split the pot. 'Not every department will get everything they want,' Reeves admitted. 'I had to say 'no' to things I want to do.' Aggravating the problem has been the collapse in productivity since Covid. Public sector workers today are 4.6% less productive than in 2019, according to the Office for National Statistics. That means for the same taxpayer contribution, the public gets a service that is almost 5% worse. That would be bad enough if taxes had stood still but they have risen by £90bil since 2008 in today's money – equivalent to increasing the basic rate of income tax from 20% to 33%. To show taxpayers their money is not being wasted and 'every penny counts,' Labour will cull thousands of civil service jobs. Meanwhile, since 2008, the United Kingdom debt pile has more than doubled to 100% of GDP and now costs about £50bil a year more to service than before both the 2008 crash and the pandemic in 2020, almost as much as Britain spends on defence. Weak economic growth has compounded the problem, costing tens of billions of pounds in foregone tax revenue. On an output per person basis, GDP per head – a proxy for living standards – has grown just 5.5% since the pre-financial crisis peak in 2008, an average of 0.4% a year. In the preceding 17 years, GDP per head grew eight times faster - by more than 45%, or 2.2% a year. — Bloomberg Philip Aldrick writes for Bloomberg. The views expressed here are the writer's own.
