Master of deception: How Trump is fudging the numbers
When looking at the latest US Congressional Budget Office analysis of the Trump administration's proposed budget and tariff policies, the saying 'lies, damned lies, and statistics' comes readily to mind because, at the heart of both sets of policies, is financial legerdemain.
The CBO's verdict on the One Big Beautiful Bill Act now being negotiated by Senate Republicans is that, in its current form, it would add $US2.4 trillion ($3.7 trillion) to US government's $US36.2 trillion of debt over the next decade.
A separate CBO analysis of the Trump tariffs, however, said it could raise $US2.8 trillion over the same period, suggesting that it would more than cover the increased spending.
At the core of the increase in spending is the extension of Trump's 2017 tax cuts, which mainly favoured companies and wealthy households.
Those cuts had a 'sunset' clause – they were scheduled to end in December this year – which was an accounting artifice to keep their cost below $US1.5 trillion rather than multiples of that amount had they been factored into the CBO's usual 10-year projections.
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In the One Big Beautiful Bill, the Republicans are emulating their 2017 strategy, with a range of the Trump campaign pledges on cuts to the taxes on tips, overtime, social security benefits for seniors and the interest on car loans supposed to expire by the end of his term in January 2029.
Between them, their cost amounts to nearly $US300 billion over that period. If they were extended – and there would be significant political pain for the next administration if they weren't extended – their cost over the normal 10-year budget assessments would be closer to $US1 trillion.
The cost of extending the $US3.8 trillion of core tax cuts – the extension of the 2017 tax package – would increase to $US5.3 trillion if they remain in place over the decade.
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Sydney Morning Herald
an hour ago
- Sydney Morning Herald
Americans have seen this movie before. Trump playing the hero doesn't fool anyone
I was six years old when 9/11 happened. From my classroom in South Carolina, I watched Flight 175 hit the South Tower of the World Trade Centre at 9.03am. For those of us who came of age during this era, it destroyed our image of America as an untouchable fortress. It's a kind of anxiety that we will always live with, that an attack can come out of nowhere at any time. Growing up under the shadow of the Iraq War, the anger felt justified at the time. Our leaders told us that we had to march into battle, and we believed them because we knew nothing else. When we found out we had been lied to and that our friends, our siblings, our neighbours had been sent to fight in a conflict that did nothing to advance our own interests – and made the world a less safe place – it set the stage for the defensive and aggrieved America we have today. Now the world sits under the nuclear sword of Damocles, with Donald Trump, a president who is nursing a bruised ego looking to make his mark on the world. In some ways, the past few days have felt like a kind of horrendous time warp back to 2003. We're heading closer towards what feels like the United States walking into another war in the Middle East. Trump's White House address to the nation after the bombing had taken place felt eerily similar to the night George W. Bush spoke from the Oval Office to announce the invasion of Iraq. Then, as now, our cause was not defending the rights of innocent people, but rather exerting a kind of needless power. But while Bush at least spoke about the illusive goal of creating a better country for Iraqis, Trump talked only of going after the 'many targets left' in Iran. Loading Things also feel different, too. The rest of the world does not appear to be lining up to follow the US into conflict. Leaders among US-ally nations have been elected on mandates that, at some level, include an expectation to establish distance from the chaos that Trump's centrifuge is spinning out. Of course, when necessary, the use of force is beneficial – especially if it is being used to defend a nation's right to self-determination. But let us not forget that the US helped resolve the Troubles in Ireland through diplomatic negotiation and played a significant role in the signing of the Oslo Accords. Then, our power was derived from our ability to bring people together and advance the common cause of global interests, leaving our military as a last resort. But no one in their right mind trusts Trump to negotiate in good faith, and now it appears that the kinetic power of the world's most powerful military is becoming a toy for a dangerous man at the helm.

The Age
an hour ago
- The Age
Americans have seen this movie before. Trump playing the hero doesn't fool anyone
I was six years old when 9/11 happened. From my classroom in South Carolina, I watched Flight 175 hit the South Tower of the World Trade Centre at 9.03am. For those of us who came of age during this era, it destroyed our image of America as an untouchable fortress. It's a kind of anxiety that we will always live with, that an attack can come out of nowhere at any time. Growing up under the shadow of the Iraq War, the anger felt justified at the time. Our leaders told us that we had to march into battle, and we believed them because we knew nothing else. When we found out we had been lied to and that our friends, our siblings, our neighbours had been sent to fight in a conflict that did nothing to advance our own interests – and made the world a less safe place – it set the stage for the defensive and aggrieved America we have today. Now the world sits under the nuclear sword of Damocles, with Donald Trump, a president who is nursing a bruised ego looking to make his mark on the world. In some ways, the past few days have felt like a kind of horrendous time warp back to 2003. We're heading closer towards what feels like the United States walking into another war in the Middle East. Trump's White House address to the nation after the bombing had taken place felt eerily similar to the night George W. Bush spoke from the Oval Office to announce the invasion of Iraq. Then, as now, our cause was not defending the rights of innocent people, but rather exerting a kind of needless power. But while Bush at least spoke about the illusive goal of creating a better country for Iraqis, Trump talked only of going after the 'many targets left' in Iran. Loading Things also feel different, too. The rest of the world does not appear to be lining up to follow the US into conflict. Leaders among US-ally nations have been elected on mandates that, at some level, include an expectation to establish distance from the chaos that Trump's centrifuge is spinning out. Of course, when necessary, the use of force is beneficial – especially if it is being used to defend a nation's right to self-determination. But let us not forget that the US helped resolve the Troubles in Ireland through diplomatic negotiation and played a significant role in the signing of the Oslo Accords. Then, our power was derived from our ability to bring people together and advance the common cause of global interests, leaving our military as a last resort. But no one in their right mind trusts Trump to negotiate in good faith, and now it appears that the kinetic power of the world's most powerful military is becoming a toy for a dangerous man at the helm.


West Australian
an hour ago
- West Australian
Scott Morrison: Donald Trump's strikes on Iran a necessary measure to achieve peace, not war in Middle East
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It was to halt Iran's progression toward nuclear weapons capability and to send a clear message that the West's red lines still mean something. Yet here in Australia, the official response from the government has been muted. No strong statement of support for the United States. That silence is telling. It suggests a reluctance to confront difficult choices and to support our most important ally in the righteousness of the actions that have taken. I believe that such an approach is short-sighted and fundamentally misjudges the nature of the challenge we face. Australia cannot afford to be passive in moments like this. Our voice matters, not just because we are a U.S. ally, but because we are a middle power with global responsibilities. We sit at the intersection of East and West, of advanced democracies and rising developing powers. Our stance sends signals across the region, from Beijing to Moscow, Jakarta to Seoul. We must make the case for resistance against authoritarian arrogance. That doesn't mean we should follow Washington blindly. It means we must be clear, consistent and credible in how we support a global order that has protected our prosperity and security for generations. This is a time for strategic clarity, not importantly, we must ensure our own defences are fit for purpose. AUKUS is not a theoretical construct. It is a practical framework for dealing with the kinds of threats we are now seeing unfold. That means accelerating delivery timelines, investing in sovereign capabilities, and ensuring that deterrence in our own region is not eroded by distraction or delay. The world is entering a more dangerous phase. The era of risk aversion is over. Strategic competitors are testing our resolve, our alliances, and our willingness to act in defence of shared values. The choices we make now will define the kind of world our children inherit. We must choose clarity over confusion. Strength over silence. And principle over passivity. We must know who we stand with. That is the standard Australia has upheld in the past. And it is the standard we must uphold again now Scott Morrison was Australia's 30th Prime Minister.