
‘They Just Walked Away': New Poll Shows How Badly Democrats Are Losing Christian Voters of All Stripes
This article is part of The D.C. Brief, TIME's politics newsletter. Sign up here to get stories like this sent to your inbox.
For years, Doug Pagitt has been sounding the alarm to fellow Democrats about a perceived hostility toward voters of faith within the party, flagging a fetishing of secularism that is reshaping the electoral map to their detriment. Now, he's sending around the receipts to prove his point.
Pagitt is a progressive pastor and the executive director of Vote Common Good, which focuses on mobilizing voters of faith. Recently, he commissioned one of the largest polls of Christian voters ever to quantify the mood of the nation's largest voting bloc. (Change Research, which counts major labor unions as clients and veterans of both Bill and Hillary Clinton as top hands, crunched the numbers last month. It runs with a standard margin of error of under 3 percentage points.) The results from more than 1,700 self-identified Christians—including Catholics and Mormons—offer plenty of reasons for Democrats still digging out from last year's electoral thumping to question some of their foundational assumptions about the voters they are struggling to win over.
A shocking 75% of these Christian voters say that they have little or no trust in the Democratic Party, according to the data shared first with TIME. (By contrast, Republicans just about break even on that question.) A stunning 70% of these voters have little to no confidence in the federal government. And 61% of these voters think life in America is harder today for people of faith than it was 10 years ago.
Taken as a whole, this dataset on 60 specific questions should set off flares for Democrats, who lost this group by a two-to-one margin in last year's presidential contest.
'You can't be the majority party if you ignore the majority faith in this country,' Pagitt tells me. 'We know there's this tension in the party.'
Democrats have long struggled to make a space for faith within the party, or overcome a sense—especially in the consultant class and very-online activist set—that any embrace of religion is a threat to the party's brand of inclusivity. For millions of voters who hold their faith as a core piece of identity, this has created a political stumbling block.
'Republicans have made a concerted effort,' Pagitt says. 'Democrats have done everything they can never to name that identity. They have a built-in bias against these identities in the Democratic Party.'
The polls are definitely trending away from Democrats on this question. In 2016, a full 75% of voters fell into the broad definition of Christian voters, according to exit polls. Trump carried the 27% of voters who identified as Protestants by a 59-36 margin and won the 23% of Catholic voters by a 50-46 split, while winning the 24% who called themselves 'Other Christian' by a 54-43 margin. In 2020, these voters accounted for 68% of the electorate, with Joe Biden—the nation's second-ever Catholic President—winning Catholics by a 52-47 split. Among other Christians, though, Donald Trump dominated with a 60-39 division, according to exit polls.
And last year, with Christians accounting for 64% of the electorate Trump dominated Kamala Harris: he carried the 21% of the electorate that identifies as Catholics by a 59-39 margin, and the 43% of the electorate that identifies as generically Christian by a 63-36 margin, according to exit polls.
To put all that in context, recall that Black voters are the most reliable members of the Democratic coalition and the Black Church is the only reason these numbers aren't even worse.
While it is clear that the share of the electorate formally aligning with organized faith is shrinking, Pagitt smartly notes that membership with a local house of worship is not a prerequisite to being counted as a voter of faith. For a lot of Americans who have perhaps cut ties with local churches, that piece of their identity remains surprisingly durable. It's why the imprint of faith traditions last longer than any church directory.
Grievance is certainly part of this puzzle. Pagitt's survey finds a full 50% of Christians say religion is losing influence in American life. And 60% of these Christian voters say they reliably back Republicans; 62% say they would never consider voting for a Democrat.
Both the Democratic Party and its voters are seen as unfriendly toward Christianity. In Pagitt's survey, 58% of Christians see the Democratic Party as hostile to Christianity and 54% see the same traits among Democratic voters. By contrast, the same voters say the Republican Party is friendly to the tune of 70% and say the same about GOP voters at the rate of 72%.
Pagitt is clear-eyed about what is possible given how much partisanship is baked into all this and how tough it is for brands to reboot. He's been working with candidates since Vote Common Good launched in 2018 to help progressive efforts connect with faith traditions and constantly has to face reluctance to tell their personal stories.
But in training sessions regardless of locality, Pagitt boils down his message on faith outreach to six very simple words: 'I like you' and 'we need you.' Once that respect is signaled to voters of faith, Pagitt says, a conversation on substance is a whole lot easier. Still, it's not like Democrats are going to turn around trends in this super-majority voting bloc easily.
'They squandered it,' Pagitt says of the Democrats. 'They just walked away.'
In turn, so too did Christian votes walk away from Democrats.
Hashtags

Try Our AI Features
Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:
Comments
No comments yet...
Related Articles


USA Today
43 minutes ago
- USA Today
Acting NJ U.S. Attorney Alina Habba says Rep. LaMonica McIver indicted
3-minute read A grand jury has indicted U.S. Rep. LaMonica McIver on charges related to an incident at Delaney Hall in Newark last month, said a social media post by acting U.S. Attorney for New Jersey Alina Habba. McIver was at Delaney Hall with Reps. Bonnie Watson Coleman and Rob Menendez to "inspect the treatment of ICE detainees at Delaney Hall." All three are Democrats. The congresswoman said in a statement that the 'facts of this case will prove I was simply doing my job and will expose these proceedings for what they are: a brazen attempt at political intimidation." 'This indictment is no more justified than the original charges, and is an effort by Trump's administration to dodge accountability for the chaos ICE caused and scare me out of doing the work I was elected to do,' McIver said. 'But it won't work — I will not be intimidated. The facts are on our side, I will be entering a plea of not guilty, I'm grateful for the support of my community, and I look forward to my day in court.' Habba said the federal grand jury 'returned a three-count indictment' against McIver for 'forcibly impeding and interfering with federal law enforcement officers.' 'It is my constitutional obligation as the chief federal law enforcement officer for New Jersey to ensure that our federal partners are protected when executing their duties,' she said. 'While people are free to express their views for or against particular policies, they must not do so in a manner that endangers law enforcement and the communities those officers serve.' The three counts have a maximum penalty of eight years for count one, an additional maximum penalty of eight years for count two and a maximum penalty of one year for count three. McIver's lawyer, Paul Fishman, who served as U.S. attorney in New Jersey during the Obama administration, said June 10 that the "legal process will expose this prosecution for what it truly is — political retaliation against a dedicated public servant who refuses to shy away from her oversight responsibilities." Earlier: NJ Rep. LaMonica McIver makes court appearance for assault charges in Newark ICE incident McIver: 'Fulfilling our lawful oversight' McIver said in a statement on May 19 that she and her colleagues were "fulfilling our lawful oversight responsibilities, as members of Congress have done many times before, and our visit should have been peaceful and short." "Instead, ICE agents created an unnecessary and unsafe confrontation when they chose to arrest Mayor Baraka," she said. "The charges against me are purely political — they mischaracterize and distort my actions, and are meant to criminalize and deter legislative oversight." Newark Mayor Ras Baraka was arrested at Delaney Hall on charges of trespassing, but the charges have since been dropped. He is suing Habba alleging 'false arrest and malicious prosecution.' Fishman said in May that the "decision to charge Congresswoman McIver is spectacularly inappropriate." "She went to Delaney Hall to do her job. As a member of Congress, she has the right and responsibility to see how ICE is treating detainees," Fishman said. "Rather than facilitating that inspection, ICE agents chose to escalate what should have been a peaceful situation into chaos. This prosecution is an attempt to shift the blame for ICE's behavior to Congresswoman McIver. In the courtroom, facts — not headlines — will matter." Katie Sobko covers the New Jersey Statehouse. Email: sobko@


Axios
an hour ago
- Axios
Zohran Mamdani taps progressive playbook for Gen Z rebound
Zohran Mamdani, the surging young progressive in New York City's mayoral race, is showing what it looks like when a Democrat taps into the energy, language and anxieties of Gen Z. Why it matters: As national Democrats pour millions into polling and research to try towin back young voters, Mamdani is offering a real-time playbook for how to actually reach them. The party establishment is deeply skeptical of the 33-year-old New York State Assemblyman, a proud democratic socialist who's second in polls behind former Gov. Andrew Cuomo ahead of Tuesday's crowded primary. But Mamdani's digitally native, culturally fluent campaign is undoubtedly resonating with Gen Z: A recent poll suggested he could win 60% of first-choice votes among 18- to 34-year-olds. What's happening: Mamdani is running on a left-wing populist agenda — rent freezes, city-run grocery stores, free public transit — with a campaign strategy built for TikTok, not television. His videos are fast, emotional, and unmistakably Gen Z: They don't explain policy so much as channel frustration with a system that so many young people feel is rigged against them. They can also be funny: Mamdani has mocked his scandal-ridden opponents, Cuomo and Mayor Eric Adams, with the kind of dry, internet-savvy humor that travels fast on TikTok. And besides his massive grassroots army, Mamdani has become a hot commodity in New York's influencer scene — tapping into an online ecosystem where political content doubles as entertainment. Reality check: New York is not the rest of the country. Mamdani — who may very well lose — is running in one of the most progressive cities in America, and there's little evidence he has crossover appeal with the kinds of Gen Z men who swung to Trump in 2024. "Red pill" culture and social conservatism, which helped power some of Trump's gains among young men, aren't necessarily receptive to Mamdani's brand of democratic socialism. The big picture: Still, Mamdani's campaign offers a rare glimpse of what it might look like if Democrats actually tried to compete for Gen Z's attention on cultural terrain — not just political ground. Even if his model doesn't scale nationally, it challenges the party to rethink how it communicates in an era in which identity, aesthetics and authenticity often matter more than ideology. Political identities developed during formative years tend to stick — and a generation of young men has come of age knowing only two brands: Trump's Republicans and Biden's Democrats.


CNN
an hour ago
- CNN
What to know as the Senate tries to pass Trump's agenda bill next week
It's go time in the Senate for President Donald Trump's 'big, beautiful bill.' After months of negotiations, Senate Republicans are gearing up for a potential vote next week on Trump's sweeping domestic policy bill. It will be a major test for Republican Leader John Thune and Trump's own hold on the upper chamber that aides say will be cast as a binary choice for the rank-and-file: you either are with the president or you aren't. Thune has predicted the Senate could begin consideration on the bill as early as the middle of next week. That would mean a massive sprint starting this weekend to draft final text, whip votes and iron out a series of major sticking points that will satisfy holdouts – without pushing the bill in such a different direction that it stalls out in the House of Representatives where it passed by a single vote. The bottom line is next week is crunch time and all the hard decisions that have been punted will need to be made in the next several days. Aides and members say that if everything goes according to plan (and that's far from certain), the 20-hour clock to debate the bill could start as soon as Wednesday. Republicans would yield a big part of their time back and vote-a-rama – an hours-long voting marathon – could begin Thursday evening into Friday. That could always get pushed into Friday evening, but right now the goal is to have this finished by the end of next week. Over the next several days, a myriad of technical work and hard-fought negotiations have to unfold in order to get the bill to a place where it is even ready for the floor. Some of these negotiations will be substantial, others will be a way to give members an off-ramp to vote 'yes' because members really do want to back the president here. One of those tasks is already underway and will continue this weekend: the Byrd Bath. Simply put, the Byrd bath is a critical process led by the Senate parliamentarian that ensures all the provisions of the bill comply with special Senate rules that allow Republicans to move this bill with a simple majority rather than being subject to the normal 60-vote threshold. Those rules are specific and nuanced, but the Budget Control Act set parameters that required provisions within a bill that is going to pass with a simple majority to have more than just an 'incidental' budget impact. The parliamentarian traditionally makes a call on whether a provision qualifies. It's named after the late Democratic Sen. Robert Byrd of West Virginia, who came up with the rule to stop either side from abusing the reconciliation process and trying to use it to just pass legislation that bypassed a filibuster. The way it works is Democrats and Republican staffers of each committee with jurisdiction in the bill privately meet with the parliamentarian and make their arguments for whether provisions meet the confines of the process. The Senate Finance Committee is expected to undertake this process Sunday evening, a critical step in moving forward because so many of the tax and health care provisions that are the heart of this bill are in Finance's purview. Several other committees have already begun, including the Senate Banking Committee, which Democrats say led to some of the provisions in that committee's jurisdiction from being ruled out of compliance with reconciliation. 'The Parliamentarian agreed that the funding cap for the Consumer Financial Protection Bureau (CFPB), elimination of the Public Company Accounting Oversight Board (PCAOB), gutting of the Office of Financial Research and Financial Stability Oversight Council, and slashing Federal Reserve staff salaries violate the Senate's Byrd Rule,' Sen. Elizabeth Warren's office announced in a statement. State and local tax deductions: This may be the biggest hurdle right now. Unlike in the House, where a number of swing district members hail from high-tax states, there is absolutely no interest in the Senate in investing hundreds of billions of dollars to raise the cap on how much constituents in New York, California, New Jersey and Illinois can deduct in state and local taxes on their federal taxes. The Senate bill currently keeps the cap frozen at $10,000, a placeholder that Senate leaders have indicated they may be willing to negotiate on. But the coalition of House Republicans who raised the cap to $40,000 for certain income thresholds under $500,000 aren't interested in renegotiating the hard-fought deal they cemented in the House. Sen. Markwayne Mullin, a Republican from Oklahoma and former House member, has been leading the talks over the issue, but so far there is no deal. There is some discussion, two sources say, over dialing back the income threshold for who qualifies for the $40,000 deduction but so far that's been a nonstarter for the group of House Republicans who got this concession in the House bill a few weeks ago. To say there is palpable frustration in the Senate with a handful of House members dictating the future of a provision in the Senate bill that no one in that chamber cares much about is putting it mildly. Medicaid: A number of Senate Republicans have made clear they could vote against the Senate bill if there aren't protections to ensure rural hospitals are protected from some of the changes to Medicaid in the bill, like the slash to how much hospitals can be held harmless when it comes to the provider tax. Led by Sen. Susan Collins of Maine, a group of these Republicans are pushing leadership to create a kind of stabilization fund that states could use. Aides close to the process say that it could go a long way to win over some skeptical Republicans, including people like Sen. Jim Justice of West Virginia and Missouri Republican Sen. Josh Hawley. The particulars of how the fund would be structured and how much it would cost are still being considered and it's important to note that the fund helps hospital but wouldn't do much for others who could lose coverage because of other changes to Medicaid, including new work requirements. Green energy tax credits: While the Senate bill takes a slower approach to phasing out some of the clean energy tax credits that were a key part of the Biden administration's environmental legacy, there are still some Republicans who have warned that some of the phaseouts may happen too quickly. Other conservatives have warned that they need to be eradicated more expeditiously, setting up a massive clash and one that could rear its head again if the Senate passes a bill that ultimately doesn't go as far as the House did. A last-minute negotiation is ultimately what got House conservatives to vote for the bill so any changes to the timeline could be an issue when the bill goes back to the House. Once the Senate passes its version of Trump's bill, it will go over to the House. There, Speaker Mike Johnson and his GOP conference will have to decide whether to back the new bill – or begin the drawn-out process of trying to negotiate. Do they swallow the Senate's big changes and allow the bill to move quickly to Trump's desk for a huge policy win? Or do they fight for their own version and begin the rigorous, and time-consuming, process of a conference committee, where both chambers will formally iron out their differences? Johnson and Trump are both hoping to avoid the latter option – but will the fractious House GOP conference agree?