How Turkey's interests in the Indian Ocean go beyond just Islamism

Like many other European nations, the US or China, Turkey has also seemingly concluded that the Indian Ocean is where the action is, and outsider nations should have a presence here if they have to be counted in, even as a wannabe global power read more
In the post-Operation Sindoor domestic discourse, the strategic community in India, as well as sections of the nation's polity, have been targeting Turkey, along with China, for supporting Pakistan in what essentially was a cross-border terror attack in Pahalgam.
In a simplistic way, many Indians have concluded that Turkey's support for Pakistan flowed from religious commonality. At times, it has been interpreted as Ankara's desire to recreate the Ottoman Empire spirit from a bygone era, where peripheral Muslim states in South Asia may be more malleable to inducements than nations from the Islamic heartland in West Asia and, by extension, Africa.
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Such constructs are only partially true.Turkey and Pakistan have been friends and partners for over four decades, even as Ankara and New Delhi remained friends and trading partners. Turkey's backing for Pakistan, starting with the 'Kashmir issue' for some years now, is in fact a part of Ankara's two-decade-long plans for expanding beyond its immediate neighbourhood into the Indian Ocean.
In a way, Turkey's ambitions in the matter are possibly older than those of China, which is also a non-territorial entity in the Indian Ocean Region (IOR) but wants to have at least a piece of the cake. In comparison to both, the US, with its Diego Garcia military base, wants to be seen as an IOR entity. After the UK recently conceded Mauritius sovereignty over the Chagos Archipelago, of which Diego Garcia is a part, the US has got a new 99-year lease, over and above the original 50 years plus an additional 20, the latter since 2016.
France, with the Reunion Island not far away from Diego Garcia, can claim greater legitimacy in the IOR. Extending the argument, it can be said China's interest in acquiring a 99-year lease of Hambantota 'territory' in Sri Lanka has a legitimacy angle to it as much as the trade, transhipment and bunkering business that it entails.
No other non-regional player can claim such legitimacy and access – though in the case of China in Hambantota, the lease agreement does not entail any military presence. Hence also the Indian reservations about China sending out 'spy ships' in the name of oceanic research in recent years.
In context, Turkey does not have any base or 'territory' of the Hambantota kind in these parts. That, however, has not stopped Ankara from making friends and influencing nations in the IOR neighbourhood, especially because India anyway would not have partnered with Turkey in creating a shared strategic interest in these parts. Certainly, it would not have helped India in any way.
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Thus, street calls in India for a boycott of Turkey, as happened in the aftermath of Operation Sindoor, on the lines of the successful social media boycott call of Maldives two years back, over time can only be counterproductive, especially if Indians are going to act on them in a big way. Such street acts on the government are forced to fall in line when New Delhi has been handling issues in a mature way.
Unique Animal
In geopolitical terms, Turkey is a unique animal. It has had historic links both with Asia and Europe, which is only a geographical reality. In terms of its Asian connections, rather than the religious roots, the country is a member of the Organisation of Islamic Countries (OIC).
In geo-economic terms, Turkey is not a member of the EU. But in geopolitical and geostrategic terms, the nation signed up with the US-led NATO because it feared the erstwhile Soviet Union. For the same reasons, Ankara was also a member of the US-created Central Treaty Organisation (CENTO).
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Because India did not yield to American persuasions and instead created the non-alignment movement along with like-minded erstwhile European colonies in the Cold War era, Pakistan signed up, precisely for the same reason. The CENTO did not have as much relevance or importance as NATO, but it was one more venue where Turkey and Pakistan interacted.
In historic terms, the Ottoman Empire had its origins in Islam that was native to Asia at the founding stage. With a 99-per cent Muslim population, Turkey is also only one of the two member nations in NATO, other than Albania (60 per cent Muslim), that has strong Islamic roots and presence. As is otherwise acknowledged, NATO is incidentally a grouping of nations that cherish 'Christian values'.
Incidentally, the new name, 'Türkiye', is of very recent origins. Ankara notified the new name, or spelling, from the original Turkey to the UN in 2021 and officially adopted it only in 2023.
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Turkey had a 'Vision 2023 Project' for the centenary year of the post-Ottoman Republic. It also has a 'Türkiye 2053 Project', coinciding with the 600th anniversary of the 'Conquest of Istanbul', an important milestone in Islamic political history. Since 2005, Ankara has been following a 'Three Vision' foreign policy, with a focus on Europe, West Asia and Africa, with the aim to recreate the 'Ottoman spirit'.
In fact, the country even sought EU membership, and the aim is to try to leverage it to sub-serve the nation's geo-economic, geopolitical and geo-strategic ambitions. Yet, Ankara also has a clearer vision than is acknowledged, especially in 'distant' nations like India. It wants to make its mark in technology, and that includes technology for military purposes.
Friendly Nations
Turkey's drones played a significant role in Ukraine's continuing war with Russia, making the rest of the world look up. It has also emerged as a dependable defence supplier for 'friendly nations', of which Pakistan is only one, even in these parts. It wooed incumbent Maldivian President Mohamed Muizzu from his past as Male mayor, and Turkey was the first country he visited after assuming office in November 2023.
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Turkey has since delivered three drones to the Maldives to replace India-gifted aircraft to survey the vast seas around the archipelago against international drug smuggling and possible terrorist activities. More recently, Turkey also donated a 40-plus-year-old missile-capable naval vessel to Maldives, which is said to be a 'gas-guzzler' – but Ankara's message stood conveyed. In between, Turkey's 'TCG Kinaliada', a naval vessel, paid a goodwill visit to Maldives last year.
During President Muizzu's maiden overseas visit to Turkey, his 'friend' Erdogan also seemingly promised to deliver the Maldives' full year's rations of essentials, including rice, sugar and wheat flour. The aim, whether of Muizzu, Erdogan or both, was to cut off Maldives' near-exclusive dependence on India in this department.
Blame it on the Houthis' attack on shipping in the Red Sea or whatever; that did not happen. Maldives had to then go back to India quietly for continuing the supplies, for which Muizzu had bravely declared he 'will not depend on only one source'.
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Multi-polar World
Plain and simple, Turkey's Indian Ocean outreach goes beyond Islam. Rather, the nation has regional and global ambitions like many others, especially in the post-Cold War era, when a multipolar world has caught the imagination of many nations.
Turkey visualises itself as a 'middle power' of some kind and hopes to exploit its location advantage in political, economic and geo-strategic terms, using Islam as one more chip, or trump card, where it works. It suits the incumbent government of President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan. He and his ruling party have made 'Islamic nationalism' a steady staple in domestic politics.
Erdoğan is facing re-election next year and street protests at present. The protests in March followed the arrest of Istanbul Mayor Ekrem İmamoğlu, a possible challenger in next year's presidential poll. The issue of democracy may play a key role in the polls, but it does not necessarily mean that Turkey will overnight give up national ambitions.
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Wannabe Power
From an Indian perspective, this is important. Turkey's support for Pakistan on the 'Kashmir issue' flows from 'Islamic nationalist' and 'expansionist' tendencies. Under Erdoğan, it has vocalised and become louder – and also as frequent as Islamabad has wanted. But Turkey's national ambitions and a global role, centred also on the 'distant' Indian Ocean, remain.
Like many other European nations, the US or China, Turkey has also seemingly concluded that the Indian Ocean is where the action is, and outsider nations should have a presence here if they have to be counted in, even as a wannabe global power.
The writer is a Chennai-based Policy Analyst & Political Commentator. Email: sathiyam54@nsathiyamoorthy.com. Views expressed in the above piece are personal and solely those of the author. They do not necessarily reflect Firstpost's views.

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