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A defense-tech perfect storm brews in Europe

A defense-tech perfect storm brews in Europe

Axios3 days ago

If there's any moment Europe should double down on its own defense, it's today.
The big picture: European policymakers don't trust Russian President Vladimir Putin to stop at Ukraine, and they can no longer count on the U.S. to protect and arm its NATO allies indefinitely.
There's suddenly a lot more money for defense, and a keen interest in accelerating domestic manufacturing.
NATO boss Mark Rutte called for a 400% spending increase for air-and-missile defenses, arguing a "quantum leap" is necessary to remain relevant. Meanwhile, President Trump bangs the burden-sharing drum.
Stateside defense-tech companies are looking to expand. Chatter of Europe's rearming could serve as a springboard.
Driving the news: There is a distinct national-security twist to this year's Paris Air Show, among the highest-profile aerospace get-togethers in the world.
Defense News reported that 45% of the show is dedicated to defense and security — a "strong increase" from the previous show in 2023. But there is little Pentagon presence.
"We're hearing this directly from European countries: 'We don't know if we can rely on the United States to actually supply us weapons,'" Firestorm Labs CEO Dan Magy said in an interview.
"So how they're solving that problem is they're desperately looking to onshore or near-shore — whatever you want to say — their manufacturing."
Inside the room: Analysts and executives Axios chatted with see urgency, opportunity and nuance.
"The issue for European countries is less about finding the money and resources for defense ... and more about how to spend the funds effectively and in ways that ensure European defense readiness, technological edge and sovereignty, and deterrence, while ensuring interoperability with allies and partners," Federico Borsari, an expert at theCenter for European Policy Analysis, told Axios.
"As Europeans rethink and modernize the continent's entire defense ecosystem," he said, "it's essential to avoid following a marketing-centric and techno-fetishist approach."
Trae Stephens, a partner at Founders Fund and the executive chairman at Anduril Industries, separately told Axios there are "tremendous opportunities in Europe."
Anduril and Germany's Rheinmetall on Wednesday announced a partnership through which European variants of the Barracuda missile and Fury robo-wingman will be produced. Solid rocket motors are on the table, too.
Stephens said he would "love to see" one of his company's Arsenal mega-factories "built in continental Europe." (Its first, Arsenal-1, will be erected in Columbus, Ohio.)
Yes, but: All these good omens could unravel because of the most universal of challenges: workforce. Competition for top tech talent and skilled tradesmen haunts industries and militaries alike.
"It is increasingly clear that Europe faces critical talent scarcity," Randstad CEO Sander van 't Noordende told Axios. (Randstad is among the world's largest recruitment-and-staffing businesses.)
"Increased defense spending, while a strategic necessity, will be severely limited without a corresponding investment in human capital," he said. "The growing mismatch between defense investment and workforce readiness demands urgent action."
Van 't Noordende in a piece for Fortune this month said Europe has more than 17 million "skilled professionals in adjacent industries" who could make the jump to defense with proper guidance.
The bottom line: Increased resources for defense in Europe are a good thing, as "we're stronger together than we are separately," Sen. Jeanne Shaheen (D-N.H.) told a small group of reporters at the air show.
"It's been a priority of this administration in the United States, obviously, to increase European defense spending, and we're seeing a response to that."
"If you combine the United States with Europe — whether it's on the economic front or the national security front — we are a lot more formidable," she added. "That's how we should be operating."

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Photos of Lesbos 10 years after the migration crisis
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LESBOS, Greece (AP) — This is a documentary photo story curated by AP photo editors. In 2015, more than 1 million migrants and refugees arrived in Europe — the majority by sea, landing in Lesbos, where the north shore is just 10 kilometers (6 miles) from Turkey . The influx of men, women and children fleeing war and poverty sparked a humanitarian crisis that shook the European Union to its core. A decade later, the fallout still reverberates on the island and beyond. For many, Greece was a place of transit. They continued on to northern and western Europe. Many who applied for asylum were granted international protection; thousands became European citizens . Countless more were rejected, languishing for years in migrant camps or living in the streets. Some returned to their home countries. Others were kicked out of the European Union. For Namjoyan, Lesbos is a welcoming place — many islanders share a refugee ancestry, and it helps that she speaks their language. But migration policy in Greece, like much of Europe, has shifted toward deterrence in the decade since the crisis. Far fewer people are arriving illegally. Officials and politicians have maintained that strong borders are say enforcement has gone too far and violates fundamental EU rights and values. 'Migration is now at the top of the political agenda, which it didn't use to be before 2015,' said Camille Le Coz Director of the Migration Policy Institute Europe, noting changing EU alliances. 'We are seeing a shift toward the right of the political spectrum.' A humanitarian crisis turned into a political one In 2015, boat after boat crowded with refugees crashed onto the doorstep of Elpiniki Laoumi, who runs a fish tavern across from a Lesbos beach. She fed them, gave them water, made meals for aid organizations. 'You would look at them and think of them as your own children,' said Laoumi, whose tavern walls today are decorated with thank-you notes. From 2015 to 2016, the peak of the migration crisis, more than 1 million people entered Europe through Greece alone. The immediate humanitarian crisis — to feed, shelter and care for so many people at once — grew into a long-term political one. Greece was reeling from a crippling economic crisis. The influx added to anger against established political parties, fueling the rise of once-fringe populist forces. EU nations fought over sharing responsibility for asylum seekers. The bloc's unity cracked as some member states flatly refused to take migrants. Anti-migration voices calling for closed borders became louder. Today, illegal migration is down across Europe While illegal migration to Greece has fluctuated, numbers are nowhere near 2015-16 figures, according to the International Organization for Migration. Smugglers adapted to heightened surveillance, shifting to more dangerous routes . Overall, irregular EU border crossings decreased by nearly 40% last year and continue to fall, according to EU border and coast guard agency Frontex. That hasn't stopped politicians from focusing on — and sometimes fearmongering over — migration. This month, the Dutch government collapsed after a populist far-right lawmaker withdrew his party's ministers over migration policy. In Greece, the new far-right migration minister has threatened rejected asylum seekers with jail time . A few miles from where Namjoyan now lives, in a forest of pine and olive trees, is a new EU-funded migrant center. It's one of the largest in Greece and can house up to 5,000 people. Greek officials denied an Associated Press request to visit. Its opening is blocked, for now, by court challenges. Some locals say the remote location seems deliberate — to keep migrants out of sight and out of mind. 'We don't believe such massive facilities are needed here. And the location is the worst possible – deep inside a forest,' said Panagiotis Christofas, mayor of Lesbos' capital, Mytilene. 'We're against it, and I believe that's the prevailing sentiment in our community.' The legacy of Lesbos Last year, EU nations approved a migration and asylum pact laying out common rules for the bloc's 27 countries on screening, asylum, detention and deportation of people trying to enter without authorization, among other things. 'The Lesbos crisis of 2015 was, in a way, the birth certificate of the European migration and asylum policy ,' Margaritis Schinas, a former European Commission vice president and a chief pact architect, told AP. He said that after years of fruitless negotiations, he's proud of the landmark compromise. 'We didn't have a system,' Schinas said. 'Europe's gates had been crashed.' The deal, endorsed by the United Nations refugee agency, takes effect next year. Critics say it made concessions to rights organizations say it will increase detention and erode the right to seek asylum. Some organizations also criticize the 'externalization' of EU border management — agreements with countries across the Mediterranean to aggressively patrol their coasts and hold migrants back in exchange for financial assistance. The deals have expanded, from Turkey to the Middle East and across Africa . Human rights groups say autocratic governments are pocketing billions and often subject the displaced to appalling conditions . Lesbos still sees some migrants arrive Lesbos' 80,000 residents look back at the 2015 crisis with mixed feelings. Fisherman Stratos Valamios saved some children. Others drowned just beyond his reach, their bodies still warm as he carried them to shore. 'What's changed from back then to now, 10 years on? Nothing,' he said. 'What I feel is anger — that such things can happen, that babies can drown.' Those who died crossing to Lesbos are buried in two cemeteries, their graves marked as 'unknown.' Tiny shoes and empty juice boxes with faded Turkish labels can still be found on the northern coast. So can black doughnut-shaped inner tubes, given by smugglers as crude life preservers for children. At Moria , a refugee camp destroyed by fire in 2020, children's drawings remain on gutted building walls. Migrants still arrive, and sometimes die , on these shores. Lesbos began to adapt to a quieter, more measured flow of newcomers. Efi Latsoudi, who runs a network helping migrants learn Greek and find jobs, hopes Lesbos' tradition of helping outsiders in need will outlast national policies. 'The way things are developing, it's not friendly for newcomers to integrate into Greek society,' Latsoudi said. 'We need to do something. ... I believe there is hope.' ___ Text from AP news story, 10 years after Europe's migration crisis, the fallout reverberates in Greece and beyond , by Derek Gatopoulos, Lefteris Pitarakis and Renata Brito. Error! Sorry, there was an error processing your request. There was a problem with the recaptcha. Please try again. You may unsubscribe at any time. By signing up, you agree to our terms of use and privacy policy . This site is protected by reCAPTCHA and the Google privacy policy and terms of service apply. Want more of the latest from us? Sign up for more at our newsletter page .

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